Discussion:
Turkish nationalism...
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gogu
2005-02-28 22:45:54 UTC
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http://www.turkishdailynews.com.tr/article.php?enewsid=6690


Rising nationalism

Monday, February 28, 2005

Opinion by DOGU ERGIL


DOGU ERGIL
Anyone who has been educated in Turkey has been raised and trained to be a
nationalist rather than a citizen equal in legal status, free in choice and
empowered by the will to participate in public policy. In fact, citizenship
is acquired or paid for by being an obedient subject to the national state.
Hence the perception of the nation is larger than life and, until recently,
has been labeled a "sacred entity" in the preamble of the Turkish
Constitution. The wording has been changed but the ideological baggage still
lingers, just as it does in nationalistic behavior.

Nationalism was a latecomer to Ottoman Turkish history. The empire could
only keep itself intact if it adopted a multi-national policy that allowed
self-rule to dependent peoples, hence nationalism had to be avoided. It was
only in the 19th century that subject peoples fought for independence in
Eastern Europe and in the lands populated by Arabs. Each nationalist
struggle against the Ottoman state found a supporter or sponsor in the
Western world; the only exception was the Armenians and Tsarist Russia, who
backed their quest for independence in eastern Anatolia. Both of these
factors worked against them: Eastern Anatolia was far from Western Europe,
and the Russian troops that occupied eastern Turkey left after only 40 years
following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Armenian nationalism was left prone
to the retaliation of Turkish nationalism fostered by the Young Turk
government of the time.

Learning what it was to fight for the nation with the intention of
establishing a national state rather than fighting for the sultan, who owned
the land, the soldiers and intellectuals of the late Ottoman period
conceived nationalism in an imperial context. This ensuing nationalism that
led to the creation of the Turkish national state was conceptualized in a
global context where the Ottoman state was among the players, albeit a weak
one. So the first nationalists who began to spread their ideology preceding
the first world war sought the place of Turks and Turkey in the world, not
only in their own lands; we can call this "greater or maximalist Turkish
nationalism." If a multi-national (Ottoman) empire collapsed, there were
enough Turks in and outside of Turkey (Asia) to create yet another Turkish
imperial entity, not a cosmopolitan one as it was.

However, Ataturk killed the imperial ambitions of the Young Turks, who led
to the demise of the Ottoman Empire and fled the country. He channeled the
nation's energy into creation of a national state in the homeland. Turkish
nationalism turned inward to create a solidaristic modern nation rather than
harboring imperial appetites from the moment of the establishment of the
Republic of Turkey in 1923. For Ataturk, the founding father of the
republic, nationalism was more about a deep patriotism aimed at elevating
the nation to the level of contemporary civilization. Consistent with the
ideological breadth and depth of the original nationalist, he wanted to
place Turkey on the world map as an effective and revered nation-state.
However, his followers failed to successfully fashion the tools to make
Turkey a global actor. Following the zestful first decades of the republic,
nationalism became an introverted defense ideology colored with a populism
that was upheld by the state's distribution of favors and patrimonial
protection of the uncompetitive pre-modern masses. Rather than nurturing an
ideology to strengthen the nation, nationalism became a source of
legitimization of state patrimony over a nation of dependents who saw the
state as their protector and provider.

Increasingly an ideology of dependence for the more humble social cohorts
of the state, nationalism became a minimalist ideology of exalting the state
over the society/nation. As it is, nationalism is not an ideology of the
bourgeoisie who look for grand ventures in the world but rather a defensive
ideology of the lower classes that are apprehensive of pluralism,
modernization and globalization. This may be called "lumpen nationalism" due
to the character of its adherents. Hence Turkish nationalism today is laden
with a suspicion of the differences of the outside world and anxiety over
any change that is not internally generated. Its primary concern is the
security of the state rather than the individual citizen and its basic
rights. As long as the masses live in poverty and ignorance, they will seek
the protection of the state, hence they will seek to protect their stubborn
nationalism, and the exalting of the state will continue. If the state fails
as a distributive system, if it fails in its provision and protection of the
masses, this lumpen nationalism will turn to communalism, the worst form of
which is fanatic religious extremism as seen in Sharia regimes.

The outcome is quite bleak. In defense of Turkishness, meaning the
official definition of citizenship in Turkey, other ethnic or cultural
identities have become the "other." The insistence of incorporating
Kurdishness into Turkishness, rather than uniting them in the general
framework of citizenship, has created two conflicting nationalisms. Rather
than creating a citizens' synergy, Turkish nationalism and Kurdish
nationalism have been sharpened against each other like two blades. Turkish
nationalism has become even more narrowly focused in recent years as an
antithesis of Kurdish nationalism; this has come about in defense of the
unity of the country and the "nation" that is defined as Turkish. Such
nationalism is indubitably xenophobic and authoritarian. How, then, can it
be the political vehicle to make Turkey become a global or even a regional
actor?

Kurdish rebellion made Turkish nationalism even more ethnocentric.
Additionally, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and intentions of regime change
in Iran and Syria contaminated Turkish nationalism with anti-Americanism as
they evoke fears of possible scenarios for Turkey.

There are enough conspiracy theorists among the statist guard and
nationalists to amplify fear and suspicion of the "imperialists." When one
of my graduate (doctoral) students mentioned "EU imperialism" as if it were
a matter of fact during a presentation she gave in class, I was awestruck.
She was even more confused when I asked her for concrete proof of this
so-called imperialism. It was too obvious for her to find supporting
evidence. What have we done wrong? Where did we go wrong in rearing such a
paranoiac generation? Is foreign policy really a conspiracy of imperialist
scheming? Or have we denied ourselves the knowledge and instruments of
understanding to see ourselves as members of a greater contemporary world, a
world we have come to fear so much? I am honestly confused.
--
E' mai possibile, oh porco di un cane, che le avventure
in codesto reame debban risolversi tutte con grandi
puttane! F.d.A

Coins, travels and more: http://pg.photos.yahoo.com/ph/golanule/my_photos
http://gogu.enosi.org/index.html
http://www.romclub.4t.com/rabin.html
m***@yahoo.com
2005-03-01 03:39:46 UTC
Permalink
Supporting convicted terrorists and murderers is not part of Democracy
and against the law and agaist to human decency in every democratic
country in the World, of course except for Greece and some other
countries in Europe (Syria, Belgium, Sweden, Netherlands, Switzerland,
Denmark, France and others) which support and harbor thugs and
murderers of Greek/Armenian/PKK/KADEK Anti-Turkish Hatred Inc.

Democracy IS NOT tolerance to terrorism or terrrorists. Democracy IS
NOT a freedom for or right to terrorism either.

The sub-human anti-Turkish hatred fabricators, murderers of innocent
and defenceless Turks and thugs of Armenian/Greek/PKK/KADEK
anti-Turkish Hatred Inc., with a veracious appetite for innocent
Turkish blood, never stop in their relentless dreams of massacring all
Turks everywhere in the World. The sub-human Greek/Armenian/PKK/KADEK
terrorists think repeating anti-Turkish hate propaganda over and over
legitimize their rape, torture and murder of innocent and defenceless
Turkish human beings.


After Europeans very generously supported and sponsored Greek,
Armenian, Arab and other terrorists, with a veracious appetite for
innocent Turkish blood, to massacre innocent and defenceless Turkish
subjects of Ottoman empire and to ethnically cleanse Ottoman
territories off of their Turkish inhabitants during WWI, and after they
harbored, supported, sponsored PKK/KADEK terrorist organization which
murdered nearly fourty thousands innocent human beings to destroy
Turkey to establish a marxist, lennisist, communist PKK/KADEK
dictortship in Turkey, and other terrorist and extremist Islamist
terrorist organizations and persons with the same purpose, and Armenian
terrorists who, during 1970s and '80s, murdered hundreds of Turkish
diplomats, their family members, colleagues, embassy personnel (Turkish
and local), and having missed no chance whatsoever to fabricate
anti-Turkish hate propaganda based on total lies in every possible
instance and relentlessly complain about Turkey, it is very clear that
the purpose of Europe is to destroy the democratic Republic of Turkey
and totally wipe out the Turkish race/nation off of the face of Earth.






http://www.atmg.org/GrecoPKK.html

GREECE AND PKK TERRORISM

CONTENTS:

Prologue
1. Introduction
2. The Organisational Structure of the PKK in Greece
3. PKK's Activities in Greece
a. Media and Propaganda Activities
b. Militant Training Camps
c. Fundraising
4. Greek Authorities' Support to the PKK
a. Government and Other Authorities
b. Parliamentarians and Political Parties
c. Local Authorities and Other Circles
5. International Publications and Press Reports
6. Testimonies of the PKK Militants Exposing the Greek Involvement in
PKK Terrorism
7. Conclusion
Epilogue
Press Review
Appendices
PROLOGUE
THE COLD KILLERS OF 17 NOVEMBER WHO ALWAYS GO FREE
THE OBSERVER
28 SEPTEMBER 1997

Leonard Doyle examines the role of the Greek intelligence service.

Ever since the Greek terrorists known as the Revolutionary Movement 17
November gunned down the CIA station chief in Athens a few days before
Christmas 1975, the shadowy group has managed to strike with impunity
at its chosen targets. Western intelligence agencies have long
suspected 17 November of acting at the behest of prominent left-wing
Greek politicians. The little that is known about the organisation is
that it is nationalistic, left wing and likes to issue rambling
communiques that quote Balzac. But in Washington and London it has long
been suspected of being the cats paw of a radicalised Greek
intelligence service, the GYP. Washington made its frustration's with
Athens clear in its most recent world terrorism survey, where it
stated: "The Greek government continues to make no headway in its
pursuit of Greek terrorists, in particular, the Revolutionary
Organisation 17 November that is responsible for numerous attacks
against US interests, including the murder of four US officials." Until
today's Observer revelations, a direct link between 17 November and the
Greek secret service had not been established. The Kurdish bomber Seydo
Hazar has told the Observer that:

17 November leaders work hand-in-glove with elements of the Greek
intelligence service.
Police were kept away from PKK training camps by 17 November leaders
who checked the identity of car numberplates with Greek officials.
Funds were obtained and distributed to the PKK by a retired naval
commander who lives on a military base and is a well-known sympathiser
of 17 November.
The organisation is the most feared group in Greece and often referred
to as the deadliest terrorist group in Europe. Since 1975 its members
have executed 21 people, without anyone being arrested, charged or
convicted. Indeed, a close analysis of 17 November's actions down the
years, points to a remarkable set of coincidences in which Greek
government interests are seen to have been furthered by individual
attacks.
The Observer's evidence directly implicates the 17 November in
sheltering the PKK by providing housing and training facilities for its
guerrillas.The PKK bomber has told the Observer that Kurdish agents
could not train and pass through Greece without direct government
backing. "The Greek intelligence service were organising the chemicals,
the high explosives, for example they were giving people in the
(Kurdish) "home office" Greek passports," Hazar said.

The name 17 November comes from the day in 1973 when the Greek Colonels
sent tanks and soldiers to smash a student uprising at Athens
Polytechnic University, killing 34 young people. It was Europe's
Tiananmen Square and out of it grew a terrorist organisation. Highly
nationalistic, the group is anti-Greek establishment, anti-US,
anti-Turkiye, anti-Nato; it is committed to removing US bases and the
Turkish military presence from Cyprus, and to severing Greece's ties to
Nato and the European Union. 17 November's operations are always
planned and carried of with military precision. First there is the
"hit", carried out with the same small collection of Colt. 45 and Smith
and Wesson revolvers. The Colt. 45 that dispatched the CIA man, Robert
Welch, in 1975 was used again last June to murder Cosfi Peraticos,
scion of a Greek shipping family, which bought the privatised Elefsis
Shipyards in 1992. British diplomats, businessmen and interests have
also been singled out by 17 November; most recently the HMS Ark Royal
which was targeted with rockets when it docked in Pireaus in 1994 with
a crew of 1,000. Heavy rain prevented the rockets detonating, but there
were other successful rocket attacks that day against American and
German interests.

The 17 November communiques, with a five-pointed star and the name
"17N", typically come from the same typewriter that issued the
movement's first proclamation in 1975 shortly before Welch's execution.
But again, the Greek authorities have never come up with any leads.
This summer, the US government renewed the reward for the capture and
conviction of 17 November terrorists (it is now worth $2 million),
implicated in the deaths of four Americans, injuries to 28 other
Americans and a rocket attack on the US embassy compound in February
1996. What distinguishes the 17 November from other terrorist
organisations is that in 22 years not a single member of the group has
been arrested. Indeed, the identity of no member of 17 November is said
to be known to Greek, American or European police and intelligence
agencies. It is a claim no other terrorist group can make.

1.INTRODUCTION
Greece, with its complex and problematic relationship with Turkiye, has
traditionally adopted a supportive attitude towards elements hostile to
Turkiye, inspired by the motto "my enemy's enemy is my friend". In view
of its long-standing policy to tolerate the activities of various
terrorist groups on its territory, Greece has readily extended its
hostility towards Turkiye into this domain. Greece's past record in its
fight against terrorism is most revealing. The findings of consecutive
annual reports on terrorism by the US State Department have not only
categorically described Greece "to be a venue for a large number of
international terrorist attacks", but also have underlined the failure
of the Greek governments in taking appropriate measures in combating
terrorism and the toleration shown to terrorist groups active against
Turkish interests. Taking into consideration Greece's disposition to
harm the interests of Turkiye, it was not a coincidence to witness the
escalation of terrorist attacks against Turkish targets including the
assassination of a large group of Turkish diplomats and other
government officials abroad by the infamous Armenian terrorist
organisation ASALA during the years following the Turkish intervention
in Cyprus in 1974, in the wake of the Greek coup d'état designed to
annex the island. Various interviews with members of the ASALA who took
part in the heinous murders of Turkish diplomats serve as an
eye-opener.

Greece provides facilities on its soil to the PKK, a notorious
terrorist organisation, in the form of providing shelter, training and
logistics for its activities aiming at the dismemberment of Turkiye.
Greece's support to the PKK dates back to the late 1980s. Each time
Turkiye voiced its resentment and concern for the support given by
Greece to the PKK, the Greek governments while denying the charges have
insisted on the need for Turkiye to prove its claims with concrete
evidence. Yet it is not easy at all for Turkiye to provide Greece with
such evidence since Turkiye does not, in contrast to the Greek
practice, conduct intelligence operations on another NATO country's
territory. Nevertheless, front organisations of the PKK have been given
permission to establish themselves and function in major cities of
Greece. Furthermore, abundant number of testimonies by the captured PKK
terrorists contain detailed accounts of the training that they have
been given in various camps in Greece and the logistical support that
they have been provided with. These constitute evidence, which cannot
be ignored. Greek governments have in the past made unconvincing
statements to condemn terrorism in a somewhat ambiguous fashion.
Besides, they have been careful not to condemn the PKK by any explicit
reference. After the arrival in Rome of Abdullah Ocalan, the ringleader
of the PKK, Greece came up in front to voice its sympathy for the
"Kurdish cause" and started to campaign for the convening of an
international conference to discuss the so-called "Kurdish question",
which it claimed to be a matter of great interest for Europe, while
underlining the systematic support of Greece to the rights of the Kurds
to their national self-determination. Although the official statements
insist that Greece does not allow the PKK to operate on its soil, the
undeniable facts prove the contrary. The latest example to a series of
incidents in that direction has been the recent visit to Athens of Kani
Yilmaz (also known as Faysal Dunlayici), a member of the PKK leadership
and its representative for Europe. During this visit, in an interview
to the Greek press, Yilmaz stated that he and the PKK support violence,
and that violence will be extended to the major cities of Turkiye such
as Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir. Greece has indicated publicly and
repeatedly in the past that it does not condone violence, and that it
does not allow any activity on its soil aimed at the use of force
against third countries. It remains as a legitimate question as to how
this official line of Greece is compatible with the fact that a PKK
representative for whom the Greek government has been duly notified by
an Interpol arrest warrant could have the freedom to travel to Greece
and to make statements inciting violence against Turkiye.

Greek involvement in terrorist activities is not restricted to the
provision of a propitious environment for the activities of the PKK
only. Turkish diplomats in Greece were the targets of numerous attacks
carried out by a terrorist organisation, "17 November", which resulted
in loss of life. Consecutive Greek governments have not traced this
organisation for more than two decades. Yet there have been repeated
speculations in the Greek press with respect to the structure,
composition and objectives of this organisation. The latest fatal
incident came just after a list of addresses and car license plate
numbers of the Turkish diplomats serving in Greece, which had been
communicated to the Greek security authorities, was published in the
Greek press.

There are a number of international instruments to which Greece is a
party and is under the obligation to combat and cooperate effectively
against terrorism. Greece is also duty bound according to the
agreements that it has signed not to permit terrorist organisations and
their affiliates to operate on its territory. Given its record Greece
is in blatant violation of these commitments.

Against this backdrop, it is not surprising to see the name of Greece
being mentioned in connection with terrorism. Yet, it is known how
serious a threat terrorism constitutes for the contemporary world.
Increasingly violent acts of terrorist organisations and the ever
growing links between terrorism and organised crime such as drug
trafficking, money laundering, extortion and smuggling of people and
weapons point clearly to the need for concerted action in combating and
suppressing terrorism. In spite of the abundance of statements,
resolutions, conventions and other documents regarding co-operation
against terrorism adopted at various international fora, including the
United Nations, Council of Europe, NATO and the OSCE, a number of
countries, including Greece, persistently ignore their international
commitments in combating terrorism and do not refrain from lending
moral and material support to various terrorist organisations.

The pursuit of policy of hostility to Turkiye has long been a
misconceived cornerstone of Greek foreign policy. In the hope of taking
advantage of any instability that might be instigated in Turkiye, in
flagrant disregard of its obligations as a NATO member and under
international conventions, Greece has rendered encouragement and
support to the terrorist organisation PKK. In return, the notorious
head of the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan, does not miss any opportunity to
express openly his gratitude for the continuous sustenance its
organisation receives from Greece. In an interview published on 13
September 1998 in the Greek Cypriot daily Simerini, Ocalan took the
occasion "to pass his thanks to the Greek and (Greek) Cypriot people
for their devoted support" and noted that "only a joint combat would
bring about victory."

MEGA-TV, a Greek private TV station, broadcast an interview with Ocalan
on 15 September 1998, whereby the head of the PKK proposed a joint
military doctrine among the Middle Eastern countries, including Greece,
against Turkiye, similar to the one between Greece and the Greek
Cypriot Administration in South Cyprus. Ocalan also promised victory to
Greece in a possible Turco-Greek war, which he volunteered to command
and claimed that if the (Greek) Cypriots cooperated with the Kurdish
militants, the war would last for years.

These outrageous flirtations of the terrorist gang leader with Greece
and the Greek Cypriots preceded his escape from his long time hideout
in Syria in October 1998 in search of a new safe haven. It is revealing
to note that Athens was Ocalan's first preferred destination where he
went and sought political asylum. Providing sanctuary to such a
terrorist would have entailed a high price to pay for Greece by totally
exposing its policies in support of PKK terrorism. Therefore, Ocalan's
request was not granted, but ample support continued to flow to him
from Greece, notably from the ruling Pan-Hellenic Socialist Party
(PASOK), during the following episodes of Ocalan's flight first to the
Russian Federation through Athens, then to Italy and back to the
Russian Federation again.

The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the Greek support to the
PKK, which is a well established, but so far not a widely known fact.
This strange phenomenon - support given by a NATO member to a
separatist Marxist-Leninist terrorist organisation against another NATO
member - deserves to be seriously studied because of the paradoxes it
creates and the questions it poses, in the first instance for Greece
itself as an EU and NATO member. In the following sections, the
evolution of Greece's PKK-inspired policy toward Turkiye is examined.
While it merits being the subject of a particular study, there are
unavoidable references in this paper to the Greek Cypriot
Administration in South Cyprus because of Greek Cypriot involvement and
support for terrorism along similar lines with Greece.

2. THE ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE PKK IN GREECE
The PKK carries out its activities in Greece through two ERNK (Kurdish
acronym of the PKK's propaganda wing, "National Liberation Front of
Kurdistan") offices, two "Kurdistan Committees", one "Kurdistan
Cultural Centre" and a "Kurdish Red Crescent Office", which are all
subsidiaries of this terrorist organisation. Through these so-called
offices, committees and centres the PKK has established in Greece a
network which serves its logistical and operational needs as well as
its propaganda in its terrorist campaign against Turkiye.

Due to its geographical position, Greece serves as a bridge in the
transit of PKK militants between Western Europe and the Middle East. In
this regard Greece plays for the PKK a role comparable to that of Syria
and territories under Syrian control where the head of the PKK and PKK
militants have for years benefited from the sanctuary and facilities
provided to them. Since the agreement reached between Turkiye and Syria
on 20 October 1998 in Adana, Turkiye, whereby Syria designated the PKK
as a terrorist organisation and undertook to eradicate PKK presence and
activities on its territory, Greece stands alone among the neighbours
of Turkiye where the PKK has an officially sanctioned free hand.

Greece is a country where the PKK militants are sheltered and given
terrorist training in safe-houses, in camps disguised as "Refugee
Treatment Centres" or "farmhouses" on a temporary basis for periods of
2-3 months. This is a very serious violation of international rules and
norms, involving the use of Greek territory by a terrorist organisation
to prepare acts of terror against its neighbour.

Ocalan is on record to have said that he and the leadership of the PKK
had been invited to relocate in Greece by the Papandreu Government. He
has added that geographically Greece would not be convenient for
conducting PKK activities in Turkiye, but that efforts would be
underway to establish PKK training camps in Greece and particularly in
South Cyprus by August 1994. This invitation must have left an
unforgettable mark in Ocarina's mind as it was Greece where he sought
sanctuary and political asylum when he was forced to leave Syria in
October 1998 and again when he was desperately seeking a safe haven for
himself in January 1999 before being squeezed out of Rome.

On 5 April 1994, the PKK was allowed to open a representative office of
its own in Athens, called "the ERNK representation in Athens and the
Balkans." The PKK banner was hoisted in front of this ERNK office. A
number of well-known Greek politicians attended the office's opening
ceremony, including Panayiotis Sgouridis, Deputy Speaker of the Greek
Parliament, and four other members of parliament -- Dimitrios
Vounatsos, Michaelis Galeneanos, Yiannis Spathopoulos and Maria Mahera
Haralambidis. A senior member of PASOK's Central Committee was also
present in the ceremony.

Greek officials have persistently attempted to depict the ERNK, the
facade behind which the PKK criminal network operates in Europe, as a
"Kurdish political organisation" with a view to concealing their
support to the terrorist organisation. In a 1988 document entitled "The
Mass Character of Our Party and Front", the PKK describes the duties of
the ERNK under ten headings. According to this illuminating document,
among other duties of the ERNK, special emphasis is placed upon issues
such as organising mass activities (raids, occupations,
demonstrations), recruiting militants to turn them into "fighters",
providing combat training to these terrorists, maintaining contacts
with other armed groups, gathering intelligence and creating financial
resources for the terrorist organisation through extortion, drug
trafficking and human smuggling. In PKK's own words, its militants are
"fighting under the flag of the ERNK and armed with the weapons of the
ARGK (the armed wing of the PKK).

Another ERNK office under the name of the so-called "Kurdistan
Solidarity Committee" has also been operating in Thessalonica (Egnatia
Street No.75) since 14 November 1994. This ERNK office has been active
in particular in organising PKK's propaganda campaigns.

These ERNK offices in Greece see no harm in even openly selling the
propaganda documents of the terror organisation and issuing receipts
printed under the name of ERNK, given in return for the so-called
"donations" that are in fact forcibly collected. Some have been mailed
also to the Turkish Embassy in Athens.

3. PKK'S ACTIVITIES IN GREECE
The head of the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan, said in an interview published by
the Greek daily "Eksusia" on 23 December 1998 the following: "...Greece
has played a great part in my decision to go to Europe. Let me put it
clearer: If there had not been my Greek friends, I would never have
been able to come to Europe...If we did not have this friendship with
Greece, I could not come to Europe...My friendship with Greece
encouraged me in making my decision to come to Europe... We opened a
gateway in Europe (meaning his arrival in Italy). If we succeed going
through this gateway, a political solution to the problem would then be
found. This would be a political success for Greece ... as well."

He also confirmed press reports that three members of the Greek
parliament, including Deputy Speaker Sgouridis, visited him in Rome. In
the same interview, Ocalan implied Greece's continuing support to the
PKK with the following words: "Greece has always supported us
morally... By allowing us to sell the magazines, which we publish in
Greece, it is also lending support to us economically..."


a. Media and Propaganda Activities
In Greece, two propaganda magazines, the "Kurdish Report" and "Foni Tu
Kurdistan" - Kurdistan's Voice, are published by the PKK in Greek.
Apart from these two magazines, books, pamphlets and leaflets handbills
are also published in Athens mostly in Arabic, to be sent to Syria.
Recently, the PKK has begun to publish in Greece two new magazines
called "Al Aouge" and "El Evch", both in Arabic, and to distribute them
in Syria, Lebanon and northern Iraq for propaganda purposes. Besides
the above mentioned PKK publications, the Greek press itself is
inundated with articles, interviews, comments and reports openly
supporting the terrorist organisation PKK and even calling for action
against Turkiye.
The PKK was allowed to engage in extensive propaganda activities
against Turkish tourism in Greece in the summer of 1993. PKK posters
asking tourists not to travel to Turkiye were displayed all around
Athens. A PKK militant, calling himself the spokesman of the ERNK, held
a press conference in the island of Samos and openly called for a
boycott on travel to Turkiye. Such campaigns of the PKK against Turkish
tourism continue unabated, and are bolstered by certain Greek quarters
that hope to benefit from the possible negative consequences PKK's
anti-Turkish propaganda might inflict on Turkiye's image abroad.


b. Militant Training Camps
PKK militants have been trained in Greece on sabotage techniques and
the use of explosives for conducting terrorist attacks in Turkiye.
These training programs covering periods of 2-3 months have been
carried out with the moral and material support of the Greek
authorities. Following the training provided to groups of 50-70
militants in the camps located mostly in mountainous areas, PKK
terrorists are sent to Turkiye illegally for conducting acts of terror.
Since mid-1994, many PKK militants apprehended in Turkiye have
confessed that they were trained in matters of bomb attacks and
sabotage in these camps in Greece with the help of Greek authorities.
According to the testimonies of the PKK terrorists, one of these
training camps is located in the Psahna district of Evia Island to the
north of Athens, and the other one is based around Lepenu village,
north of the town of Agrinion. Other than those temporary camps
mentioned above, the PKK terrorists mostly coming from various European
countries are provided with theoretical training on
"political-military" subjects at the "Lavrion Refugee Camp" and in the
PKK safe-houses in Athens. Greece has allowed the PKK to use the
"Lavrion Refugee Camp" for planning its terrorist acts and organising
its "fund-raising" activities. The PKK terrorists captured in Turkiye
have independently provided detailed maps and diagrams of these camps
(Appendix 1). One of the most striking cases of Greek involvement in
the PKK's militant training activity came in 1994 and early in 1995.
Police in Istanbul and Izmir arrested groups of PKK militants who were
preparing to attack tourist resorts in Turkiye. It quickly became clear
that the terrorists had been trained as "urban militants" in Greece in
a camp near Athens.

c. Fund-raising
The fund raising activities of the PKK in Greece are mostly carried out
with the help of Greek parliamentarians and other circles supporting
the PKK. Illegal immigration to Europe via Greece from third world
countries has long become one of the lucrative sources of finance for
the terrorist organisation PKK, which is actively involved in almost
every stage of this "modern art" of human smuggling. Extortion of money
from asylum seekers and illegal immigrants during their temporary stay
in Greece's "refugee treatment camps" is also another pitiless method
of fund-raising of the PKK.
Brian Murphy of the Associated Press has reported, in an article
entitled "Kurdish Rivalries Boil Over at Key Stop in Refugee Trail,"
published in the Greek daily Athens News on 11 August 1998, that the
Greek government acquiesced in the PKK militants using the Iraqi
Kurdish camps in the country as centres for fund-raising and propaganda
activities. Based on interviews conducted in the "Kurdish" refugee camp
in Patras, Greece, Mr. Murphy has pointed to the Iraqi Kurds' claim
that they have been forced to pay "PKK taxes" and "protection money"
while they waited for political asylum or transfer to another European
country. Mr. Murphy has indicated that PKK members who demand
commissions from the profits of the human smugglers and beat or murder
those who refuse to cooperate reportedly pressured many Kurds in the
camp into submission.

Donations of various Greek circles and sale of propaganda publications
are also among the sources of income of the PKK.

4. GREEK AUTHORITIES' SUPPORT TO THE PKK

a. Government and Other Authorities
A multitude of contacts were carried out between the head of the PKK
Abdullah Ocalan, Stationed in Syria and the Bekaa valley in Lebanon,
and the Greek administration during the 1981- 89 Papandreu Government.
For instance, a Greek delegation, comprising parliamentarians, press
members and Prime Minister Papandreu's adviser Mr. Haralambidis,
visited Ocalan in Lebanon on 17-19 October 1988. Mr. Papandreu was an
extremely negative factor in Turkish-Greek relations, responsible for
charting a confrontational course and fomenting hostility between the
two nations. A terrorist organisation such as the PKK was a perfect
tool that could serve these radical Greek policies. The policy of
collaboration with the PKK, created during Papandreu's premiership, was
maintained and reinforced through the succeeding New Democracy and
PASOK administrations. Courting, encouraging and supporting PKK
terrorism became a permanent fixture of Greek policies. As time went
by, such support from Greece to the PKK became more vocal and more
visible. Press statements by Government Spokesman Venizelos and Deputy
Foreign Minister Pangalos, following the crackdown on the PKK in France
and Germany in 1993, were extremely detrimental to the common fight
against terrorism. These two Greek officials referred to PKK terrorism
as "a struggle for independence", displaying an irresponsible and
inadmissible attitude by any standards.
Three months later, Greek authorities permitted the PKK to open a
"Kurdish Red Crescent Society" in Athens, whose stated objective was to
"offer medical treatment to Kurdish guerrillas wounded in the
continuing war in Turkish Kurdistan and to help the spouses and
children of Kurdish guerrillas held in Turkish prisons."

On 8 July 1993, the Greek government permitted the ERNK to hold a
provocating press conference on Cos, one of the Dodecanese Islands only
a few miles from the Turkish coast. Several observations on Greece's
refugee policy would also be in order. Greece has its own arbitrary
criteria for treating illegal migrants asking for asylum. In this
context, it accepts on its territory those terrorists, fugitives and
other people especially of Kurdish origin coming from Turkiye, whom it
believes, can be manipulated for its propaganda activities against
Turkiye. At the same time, it deports immigrants and asylum seekers
coming from countries like Iraq, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
This inhumane Greek policy is a blatant violation of the fundamental
principles of international law, which regulate the rules of a just
treatment for asylum seekers, but, at the same time, categorically deny
to terrorists the right of asylum. This is true particularly for the
provisions of "The United Nations General Assembly Resolutions on
Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism" and the "European
Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism." Greek Government's support
for the PKK reached its peak point on 30 April 1998, when the PKK was
allowed to open an "official" representation in the centre of Athens,
called "PKK Representation of Balkans." The opening ceremony was
"honoured" by the participation of MPs from both the government and the
main opposition parties. This was the first time that the PKK had
opened an official representation under its own name in any country.
The Greek authorities deny that such a representation bureau was
opened, but the evidence clearly indicates otherwise.

During the latest crisis with Italy over Ocalan that was triggered by
the arrest of PKK's head in Rome on 12 November 1998, government
officials, almost all political parties and the media in Greece called
on the Italian authorities to reject Turkiye's demand for the
extradition of Ocalan and to grant him political asylum. The Government
Spokesman Mr. Dimitris Reppas stated on 14 November 1998 that "Greece
has systematically supported the right of the Kurds to their
self-determination", making null and void all the previous Greek
statements on respect for Turkiye's territorial integrity. George
Papandreou, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, asserted in Rome on
17 November 1998 that "the crisis over Ocalan is not a problem of Italy
but that of Europe" and called on the European Union to act in
solidarity and cooperation with Italy on this issue, while Stelios
Papathemelis, PASOK Deputy and former Minister of Public Order, hoped
that "the Italian government will not yield to the unbelievable demands
of certain countries, which, motivated by intrinsic Turkophile
sentiments, want to try a fighter as though he was a terrorist or a
murderer." Furthermore, the Minister of Defence Akis Tsohatzopoulos
expressed his hope that Ocalan's request for political asylum from the
Italian authorities will pave the way to "the political settlement of
the Kurdish question."

The words of Greek Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, George Nicolaidis, in
his interview published by the Riyadh Daily on 8 December 1998, leave
no room for doubt with regard to Greek official attitude to the PKK
terrorism: "...PKK is a political organisation and also a military one.
It fights for the liberation of Kurdistan. So, it is a liberation
movement. It has a political office in Greece, which, you know, is a
free country..." With these words, Ambassador Nicolaidis also
acknowledged unequivocally the presence of the terrorist organisation
PKK in Greece. Among Ocalan's lawyers, there are also two Greeks,
Thrasinoulos Kontaksis and Yeorgios Adamapoulos. According to these
lawyers who expressed their views in the Greek daily Eleftherotipia on
3 January 1999, "it is the Turkish State, but not Ocalan, that is to be
labelled as terrorist". One of them, Kontaksis, in the same interview
that upon Ocalan's arrival in Rome, "PKK's Balkans Representation" in
Athens contacted him to ask "his legal advice with regard to the
presence of President (Ocalan) in Italy." These words of Kontaksis
revealed unambiguously once again the fact that contrary to the
persistent denials of Greek authorities; the PKK has a presence in
Athens under the name of "representation" which operates without any
restriction.

At an annual Foreign Press Association luncheon held on 26 November
1998, Prime Minister Simitis claimed that the PKK is an "organisation
fighting for the rights of the Kurdish minority and using various means
to reach this end." Mr. Simitis also said, "Greece is in favour of
political asylum being given to Ocalan. Italy has handled the matter
properly". These words can be considered as nothing but an unambiguous
attempt of the Greek Government to justify PKK terrorism which has
resulted, to date, in the death of thousands of people, including many
civilians mostly of Kurdish origin in Turkiye.

On 22 December 1998, Greek Foreign Minister Pangalos participated in a
demonstration at Lavrion camp, one of the main terrorist training
facilities of the PKK in Greece. On this occasion Mr. Pangalos made a
speech at the camp, full of baseless accusations against Turkiye, in
front of PKK demonstrators carrying photographs of Ocalan and posters
against Turkiye's national unity and territorial integrity. Mr.
Pangalos did not refrain from instigating the crowd against Turkiye
with the following words: "The great powers, which had recently decided
on pressing the trigger (British backed American air strikes against
Iraq), do not show the same sensitivity on the right to a free life of
Kurdish people on its own territory..."


b. Parliamentarians and Political Parties
On 20 March 1992, a group of Greek politicians held a joint press
conference with ERNK militants in the Bekaa valley in Lebanon. The
group included three members of the Greek Parliament belonging to PASOK
(the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Party of Mr.Andreas Papandreou) Lefteros
Varivakis, Dimitrios Vounatsos and Elizabeth Papazoi. The group also
paid a call on Ocalan. The Greek government gave its permission for the
press conference to take place, thereby implicitly giving the
terrorists an opportunity to announce that they would be targeting
tourist resorts in Turkiye. Similar declarations have been issued
periodically. For example, on 11 March 1996, Greek television broadcast
an interview with the PKK gang leader Abdullah Ocalan by Panos
Panayotopoulos. During the interview, Ocalan repeatedly threatened to
attack tourists and tourism companies in order to damage the Turkish
tourism industry and advised "foreign tourists not to go to Turkiye. If
they do, the PKK cannot be held responsible."
In February 1993, a second group of Greek Parliamentarians attended the
self-styled Kurdish diaspora assembly in Brussels. They reportedly
"exchanged views with the Kurds on the subject of genocide committed by
the Turkish Army."

On 20-21 September 1994, Greek parliamentarians held another meeting
with PKK representatives. Three PASOK deputies, Costas Badouvas,
Dimitrios Vounatsos and Hristos Kipouros, travelled to the Bulgarian
capital, Sofia, to attend a pro-PKK meeting. With them travelled a
retired admiral and well-known PKK supporter, Naksakis and Dimitrios
Martos, the representative of the "League for People's Rights and
Liberation." Once again the Greek deputies publicly affirmed their
solidarity with the PKK.

In November 1994, Kani Yilmaz, "PKK's representative in Europe", was
arrested in London. On 17 November 1994, 22 Greek deputies signed a
joint letter circulated in other European capitals, denouncing the
arrest.

Early in 1995, the PKK moved to set up a self-styled "Kurdistan
Parliament in Exile." On 12 April 1995, the PKK organised a meeting in
The Hague to launch the so-called "parliament" with the participation
of seven members of the Greek Parliament - Dimitrios Vounatsos (PASOK),
Yiannis Statopoulos (PASOK), Costas Badouvas (PASOK), Leonardos
Harziandrou (PASOK), Nicholas Conomipoulos, Payiotis Camenos (PASOK)
and Petros Taulis.

On 26-29 June 1995, Yasar Kaya, the titular head of PKK's self-styled
"Kurdistan Parliament in Exile", visited Athens with two of his
supporters. They were given an official welcome and received by
Panayiotis Sgouridis, the Deputy Speaker of the Greek Parliament. Some
Greek parliamentarians once again met with the PKK members in Syria on
12 June 1995. This time the delegation consisted of the representatives
of all the mainstream Greek political parties and was headed by the
Deputy Speaker of the Greek Parliament. The delegation expressed its
support for the "PKK's struggle" and awarded Ocalan a plaque.
Photographs of the meeting, published in the Turkish daily newspaper
Milliyet in July 1995, depicted one of the Greek deputies presenting
Ocalan with a blue flag symbolising Greece's territorial aspirations
against Macedonia. A second picture showed Ocalan with one of the other
Greek deputies in front of a map portraying alternative routes for the
proposed oil pipeline from the Caspian basin to the Turkish
Mediterranean coast.

Mihalis Haralambidis, a member of the Central Executive Board of PASOK,
said the following in a speech he delivered during a conference held
for "National Day" on 25 March 1997: "In order to solve the Kurdish
issue, it is necessary for Greece to spend efforts to hold a 'European
Kurdish conference' and for the Greek Government to invite Ocalan
officially."

With the initiative of Mr. Haralambidis, 110 (afterwards this number
increased to 178) deputies of the Greek Parliament signed a joint
letter on 11 April 1997, addressed to the President of the Parliament,
requesting that Abdullah Ocalan be invited to visit Greece. The letter
contained glowing praise to Ocalan. In response, Ocalan sent a letter
to Mr. Haralambidis, thanking him for the invitation.

In this context, the participation of a Greek parliamentary delegation
headed by Deputy Speaker Sgouridis, along with his several other
colleagues in the third anniversary meeting of the so-called,
self-proclaimed "Kurdish Parliament in Exile," the propaganda wing of
the PKK, constitutes another example of the support given by the Greek
Parliament to the PKK. In that meeting, held on 12 April 1998, Mr.
Sgouridis and other members of Greek Parliament made speeches
reaffirming their support to and solidarity with the PKK. Costas
Badouvas, Greek MP and former minister, made a speech during a PKK-led
demonstration in Rotterdam on 12 September 1998 and held that "Kurdish
people's struggle", which he claimed was gaining momentum, would not be
defeated. Mr. Badouvas also wanted Turkiye to respond to PKK's
so-called cease-fire calls.

On 12 November 1998, Ocalan was arrested in Rome on his arrival from
Moscow. PASOK MP Badouvas went to Rome on 13 November 1998 to present
Ocalan with a letter, which had been signed by 109 Greek MPs, inviting
the terrorist to Greece. In the letter, which was also signed by three
deputy speakers of the Greek Parliament, Ocalan was referred to as "the
legitimate representative of the most repressed people of the world
standing between liberation and genocide."

Furthermore, some PASOK MPs, academics, artists and journalists
established "the Committee of Solidarity with the Kurdish Leader",
aimed at supporting Ocalan's application for political asylum in Italy.



c. Local Authorities and Other Circles
In 1994, the pro-PKK campaign inside Greece went a stage further. A
non-governmental organisation called "The League for People's Rights
and Liberation" launched a "campaign for solidarity with the Kurdish
people" with the stated aim of collecting 200 million Drachmas (US$
885,000) as financial support for "Kurdistan's struggle".
In addition to these initiatives, the Governor of Korfu, Andreas
Pangratis, sent a letter to the Greek Government on 30 May 1997, in
which he stated that he supported the initiatives of the Greek deputies
to invite the head of the PKK to Greece, and that in case Ocalan came
to Korfu, they would be pleased to host him and to organise in Korfu a
Europe-wide conference on Kurds. The Greek authorities also permitted
the PKK to hold a meeting in Thessalonica from 19 to 21 September 1997,
organised by the Kurdistan Solidarity Committee and called "an
international festival of peace and solidarity with the Kurdish
people," at which the PKK engaged in propaganda for its terrorist
activities. Greek officials, including the Governor of Thessalonica and
representatives of political parties, participated in the so-called
festival.

According to the Greek press news of 15 September 1998, Dilan (Semsin
Kiliç), known as "PKK/ERNK's representative in the Balkans",
participated in the panel organised by the Municipality of Veria,
Greece, and the "Kurdish Solidarity Committee" and put out anti-Turkish
statements such as the following: "Our war has been serving the
interests of the peoples of the region. Escalating this war will make a
positive contribution to the peaceful coexistence of the Kurds, the
Turks, the Armenians, the Hellenes of Pontus and other peoples..." At
the meeting Mihalis Haralambidis, member of PASOK's Central Committee,
claimed that the rapprochement between the Greeks and the Kurds could
be achieved only after the liberation of "the peoples of Asia Minor".

On 7 December 1998, the Sikies Municipality of Thessalonica issued a
communiqué, forwarded to the Greek Government and Parliament, in which
it called for granting Ocalan the right of political asylum and asked
the Greek Government to take all necessary initiatives to bring to the
international platform the issue of recognition of Kurdish people's
right of having their own territory.

5. INTERNATIONAL PUBLICATIONS AND PRESS REPORTS
In view of all this, it comes as no surprise to read in a report on the
"Patterns of Global Terrorism," published annually by the U.S. State
Department that Greece is "a venue for a large number of international
terrorist attacks." The report comments that "the Greek authorities
made little progress against terrorist groups in 1994, in part due to
ambivalent Government attitudes toward counter-terrorism. Greece still
lacks a new anti-terrorism law to replace legislation repealed in 1993
by the in-coming PASOK Government." The 1996 issue of the report,
published in April 1997, continues to include the PKK among the main
international terrorist organisations and goes on to say that "
...Greek Government also continues to tolerate the official presence in
Athens of two Turkish terrorist groups- the National Liberation Front
of Kurdistan, which is the political wing of the Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK), and the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front
(DHKP/C) -- formerly Devrimci Sol -- which is responsible for the
murder of two US Government contractors in Turkiye..." It should be
emphasised in this regard that the PKK and the DHKP/C are among the
four top terrorist groups that conducted 51 percent of all
international terrorist attacks in 1996 and they also accounted for 60
percent of international terrorist activities in 1995. The PKK and the
DHKP/C together were responsible for almost 25 percent of all the
international terrorist activities in the same year. As seen from these
figures, the activities of the PKK terrorist organisation extend far
beyond Turkiye.
The Observer in its 28 September 1997 issue, published an interview
entitled "Poison Bomber Offers Secrets for Sanctuary" wherein a member
of the PKK, named Seydo Hazar, revealed from his hideout in Greece the
secret plans of the terrorist organisation and its connections with the
Greek Government and other terrorist groups. The following are some of
the highlights of the information revealed by PKK member Seydo Hazar
whose identity and terrorist connections have been verified by a number
of security sources in Europe:

11 Stinger missiles, manufactured under license in Greece were sold by
the PKK group in Greece to the Tamil Tigers subsequently used to shoot
down military transport planes over Sri Lanka.
The PKK is protected by the shadowy Greek Marxist revolutionary
organisation 17 November and funded by elements close to the Greek
security service while preparing terrorist attacks in London and those
targeted at European tourists in Turkiye.
The 17 November leaders work hand-in-glove with elements of the Greek
intelligence service.
The 17 November has been involved with the PKK in training militants in
Greece for missions in Turkiye.
The Greek intelligence service is giving the PKK militants 'home
office' and Greek passports.
Greek police are kept away from PKK training camps by the 17 November
leaders who check the identity of car numberplates with Greek
officials.
A retired Greek Naval officer who lives on a military base and is a
well-known sympathiser of the 17 November pays all the PKK militants'
expenses in Greece and even acts as an informal censor of their
magazine, the "Voice of Kurdistan".
The terrorist PKK also has links with the German neo-Nazis, the Tamil
Tigers and the Hamas organisation. It has also a liaison officer in
Damascus dedicated to working with Hamas."
As can be seen from the above-mentioned revelations, Seydo Hazar, a PKK
terrorist, states that he and his group were protected and supported by
the Greek security services and the Greek terror organisation known as
17 November, the latter having staged numerous attacks against Turkish
and other foreign diplomats and installations in Athens since 1974,
claiming many lives and inflicting material damage. As a unique case in
the international arena, none of the members of this organisation have
ever been identified, let alone captured, raising serious question
marks as to its roots.
The Observer's interview is only a confirmation of what is already
known. Not surprisingly, the Greek government denied The Observer
reporting claiming that: "everything mentioned in the report is false,
unsubstantiated and made up." Nevertheless, it was learnt that,
following the revelations of Seydo Hazar, the Greek Intelligence
Service began to apply pressure on PKK members in order to make them
observe strict secrecy. The campsite at the Psahna town in Evia Island
was evacuated on 13 November 1997, as were the safe-houses near Athens
used by the PKK members, with the help of PASOK MP Badouvas.

There is substantial evidence shared within the Interpol mechanisms
underlining the fact that the PKK is actively involved in human
trafficking as well as other organised crimes. A striking example of
the PKK involvement in human trafficking was given in the "Report"
program aired by the German ARD television channel on 19 January 1998
which included statements by a gang member convicted of human
trafficking. In his own words, the convict said: "Our organisation in
not directly linked with the PKK, but on several occasions we had to
pay ransom to the PKK in order to do our job. The PKK itself is also
involved in human trafficking. In Greece there is no permission to the
others. My organisation can only smuggle people into Greece, but from
Greece onwards, it is exclusively a PKK job."

Another international press report on the Greek support to PKK
terrorism was published in the 30 March 1998 issue of TIME magazine
entitled "A Hellenic Haven: The flight of Kurdish refugees to Greece
adds to a cycle of violence and vengeance". The report explains in
detail how the vicious terrorist organisation, the PKK, has been given
in Greece a free hand in recruiting and training new cadres and in
planning its terrorist activities. The text of the TIME article is in
Press Review.

6. TESTIMONIES OF PKK MILITANTS EXPOSING THE GREEK INVOLVEMENT IN PKK
TERRORISM
Testimonies of PKK militants apprehended in Istanbul and Izmir at the
end of 1994 and the beginning of 1995 revealed that the terrorists were
trained in a camp near Athens before they were sent to Turkiye to
organize violent attacks on tourist installations. PKK militants,
Sakine Dönmez, Atilla Kaya and Abdurrahman Yaruk, caught after a bomb
attack on Istanbul's famous covered bazaar, Kapaliçarsi, on 2 April
1994, causing several deaths, confessed that they were trained in
explosives in Greece. Testimonies of other PKK terrorists apprehended
in Turkiye confirmed undeniably the previous revelations. According to
these testimonies, PKK members are given "political" and "military
training" at two camps within 200 kilometres of Athens -- the Lavrion
Refugee Camp and the Lamia-Halkida Camp -- where PKK members have been
sheltered and trained to use explosives and firearms.
Dozens of PKK militants arrested in Turkiye have unveiled that former
Greek military officers have trained them in explosives and military
tactics in camps near Athens. In June 1997, the Greek Cypriot press
published photographs of a retired Greek Admiral training PKK
terrorists at a camp in northern Iraq. There are also several reports
stating that PKK members are serving as agents of the Greek
Intelligence Service, acting on its behalf against Turkiye.

The confessions made by PKK militant Fethi Demir, who surrendered to
the Turkish security forces on 6 March 1998, and by Semdin Sakik, PKK's
"second man", who was captured in northern Iraq in April 1998, have
exposed that the Greek support to PKK terrorism goes far beyond what
was formerly known. Excerpts from the testimonies of PKK terrorists on
the Greek support given to the terrorist organisation are at Appendix
2.

7. CONCLUSION
Terrorism has been universally condemned and, under the relevant
international agreements, all countries have committed themselves to
combating and cooperating effectively against terrorism. They have
undertaken not to permit their territories to be used by terrorist
organisations. There is no doubt that Greece is in blatant violation of
its commitments.
A study on terrorism and organised crime entitled "Terrorism And
Organised Crime: Preparing NATO For Future Security Threats", made by
Mr. Larry C.Johnson and Ambassador Morris D.Busby, concluded that
"...Less well known but more disturbing is the support that Greece, a
member of NATO, has given to the PKK. The Deputy Speaker of the Greek
Parliament, accompanied by several colleagues, visited PKK leader
Ocalan at his headquarters in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley in June 1995. A
similar visit was made in the summer of 1997. In addition, 110 members
of the Greek Parliament and the Deputy Speaker called for PKK leader
Ocalan to be officially invited to Athens. Dozens of PKK operatives
arrested in Turkiye claim former Greek military officers at camps near
Athens trained them in explosives and military tactics. In June of
1997, the Greek Cypriot press published photos of a retired Greek
Admiral training PKK terrorists at a camp in northern Iraq. There also
are several press reports that PKK members are agents of the Greek
Intelligence Service, acting on its behalf against Turkiye. In
addition, PKK front groups operate openly in Greece and members of the
ruling party, PASOK, have met on several occasions with PKK leaders...

Put in less diplomatic terms, the government of Greece either turns a
blind eye to the activities of the PKK on its soil or in the worst case
actively supports the PKK with training and logistics. According to US
Government sources. which spoke on the condition of not being
identified, Greece deserved to be included with Iran and Syria as a
sponsor of terrorism, but US political considerations have precluded
this sanction.

In the past, the issue of Greek support of the PKK appears to have been
widely viewed as an extension of the long-standing political dispute
between two NATO members. This situation is awkward for NATO and is
usually only dealt with in unavoidable circumstances. However, given
the PKK's terrorist and criminal activities throughout Europe, it poses
a real threat to the security of several NATO members. Indeed. the PKK
probably is the major terrorist and organised crime threat to NATO. At
a minimum, NATO should call on the member nations to cooperate in
reducing or removing this threat through collective action. In
addition, NATO should convene a plenary session to review and discuss
the threat the PKK represents in Europe. Such a forum would permit
close scrutiny of Greece's policy of supporting a terrorist group while
focusing NATO members on the meatier issue of taking collective action
to confront a new kind of threat."

These are far from being the full story. But all the available
information unmistakably sheds light on the extent of the Greek policy
of hostility towards Turkiye, a policy that has been stretched to the
point of trying to undermine Turkiye's stability by supporting the
terrorist activities of the PKK.

EPILOGUE
As this publication shedding light on the background of Greek
involvement with PKK terrorism went into print, unfolding events
totally exposed the protection and physical sanctuary provided by
Greece to Abdullah Ocalan. It was established that despite persistent
official Greek denials, Ocalan was in fact brought to Athens at the end
of January 1999 under the knowledge of the Greek Government which also
arranged the safe passage of this terrorist to Africa and harboured him
in the Greek Embassy in Nairobi from 2 to 16 February 1999 while
concealing his identity from the Government of Kenya. This shocking
behaviour is a unique case of flagrant contravention of international
law and rules of international conduct, in particular among members of
NATO and the European Union, which deals a serious blow to the standing
and credibility of Greece as a law abiding state.
This further episode of Greek involvement in PKK terrorism will be
dealt with in greater detail in a separate publication. The readers
will find in the final pages on this publication self explanatory
material originating from Greece itself and the Government of Kenya in
order to bring to light the dark and unacceptable role played by Greece
to help the head of a brutal terrorist organisation which has claimed
thousands of lives in Turkiye escape justice.

PRESS REVIEW
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF STATE
April 1997
PATTERNS OF GLOBAL TERRORISM 1996 - GREECE

"The Greek Government also continues to tolerate the official presence
in Athens of two Turkish terrorist groups-the National Liberation Front
of Kurdistan, which is the political wing of the Kurdistan Workers'
Party (PKK), and the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party / Front
(DHKP/C)- formerly Devrimci Sol-which is responsible for the murder of
two US Government contractors in Turkiye."
THE OBSERVER
28 September 1997
THE ONLY WAY TO BEAT TERRORISM

It may not be the end of history, but the era of states waging war as a
means of settling conflicts is receding. Violence, instead, is becoming
the preserve of terrorist organisations prepared to use any means to
achieve ends that cannot be reached by peaceful methods. Their capacity
to destabilise governments is huge - so the temptation for these
governments' enemies to do business with them is ever present. Worse,
the march of technology makes the efficiency of the weapon systems
available to them ever more terrifying.
Our disclosure today that the Kurdish PKK separatist group has
ambitions to use poison bombs against tourists and British interests is
part of this wider picture. It is extremely disturbing. European
governments are committed to fighting terrorism together but, as we
reveal, some groups have been able to operate within Greece. Worse, it
appears some elements in the Greek secret service have connived in the
PKK's operations and are alleged to have offered funding. This is a
grave charge, but the evidence of our informant, and Greece's failure
to deal with the 17 November terrorist group, requires more than ritual
denials.

The story of Seydo Hazar offers evidence that terrorists can produce
homemade nerve agents like sarin or biological weapons, which utilise
deadly bacteria. The way they go about it of course cannot be kept a
secret. It is already available in patent offices and on the Internet.
Theory, it seems, has too easily been allowed to become practice.

The new upward ratchet in the terrorist threat to civilians is
alarming. But so are the close links, previously only speculation,
between German neo-Nazi, the PKK, Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka and the
Palestinian Hamas Organisation. Weapons are being traded between groups
with murderous results.

National rivalries have no place in the joint fight against terrorists.
This lesson has to be learned above all in Greece, where a
faction-riven secret service seems to bear some responsibility for
exposing citizens to PKK terrorists-its rivalry with Turkiye persuading
wilder fringes of its secret services to sponsor the cell on the
principle that my enemy's enemy is my friend. Our evidence shows its
assurances to the United States that these activities would stop are
not seen as credible. The US has threatened sanctions if Greece does
not fulfil its responsibilities. Now Greece's European Union and Nato
partners must reinforce the message.

THE OBSERVER
THE REPENTANT TERRORIST BOMBER ON THE RUN HAS NO PLACE TO HIDE
Shyam Bhatia on the Greek Island of Naxos meets a fearful Kurd who
predicts a wave of terror across Europe.
For the past four weeks a dark young man in blue shorts and green
bandanna has wandered the Greek islands, trading jokes with the German
and Scandinavian tourists who throng the Aegean at summer's end. None
guessed that Seydo Hazar is a desperate man who fears death at the
hands of the terrorists he served as a bomb-maker, who imagines an
executioner in every bar and hotel corridor, and wants to trade his
secrets for a new life.

He sits on the bed of his simple hotel room on the island of Naxos and
talks of a career that has resulted, he says, in the murder of 60
fellow Kurds and of a young woman killed when one of his bombs exploded
in the Turkish holiday resort of Bodrum in July. He warns of a ruthless
new round of terrorist attacks aimed at tourists, including Britons
which may involve chemical weapons.

He chain-smokes and his dark hooded eyes glance restlessly round the
room. His paranoia is infectious. He catches my arm and, saying we are
both in mortal danger, insists that we toss a coin to decide who goes
through the door first.

The patio outside is empty, but he regards the most innocent encounter
with suspicion. When South African holidaymakers invite us to join them
for a drink, he looks petrified and scurries away. Only when he is
reassured that they are tourists does he join us briefly to watch the
dusk descend on the island that has given him brief sanctuary but no
peace.

In the past 48 hours he has managed to leave Greece and is now believed
to be hiding for his own safety somewhere in Western Europe. He
contacted the Observer through an Irish intermediary, insisting he
wanted to reveal how his former terrorist masters had now switched
their targets to civilians, and that a new wave of atrocities was
planned to begin as early as next month.

His identity and terrorist connections have been verified by a number
of security sources in Europe.

The story of how Hazar, 31, became involved with what is reputed to be
one of the deadliest terrorist organisations in the world has elements
of the classic Faustian bargain. The master from whom he is fleeing is
the Kurdistan Workers Party, the PKK.

Since the early Seventies, this Marxist-Leninist group has sought a
separate Kurdish state in southeast Turkiye. Its reputation is that it
uses terror without compunction, settles its own internal quarrels with
summary violence and controls many of Europe's drug cartels.

He believes he is being hunted by two other deadly enemies. The first
is the little known but highly dangerous 17 November left-wing Greek
terrorist group, which he says has been involved with the PKK in
training Kurds in Greece for missions in Turkiye. In 1975 it murdered
the CIA's Athens station chief, Richard Welch, and it has since killed
about 20 more people, including three other American officials, two
diplomats from Turkiye and 13 Greeks.

The other enemy is the Greek secret service, the GYP (pronounced Kip),
which stands to be seriously embarrassed by Hazar's disclosures. It has
been waging a secret war against Greece's traditional enemies, the
Turks, by helping the Kurds with their bomb making and weapons
training.

THE OBSERVER
28 September 1997
POISON BOMBER OFFERS SECRETS FOR SANCTUARY
Fugitive Kurdish terrorist reveals
by Shyam Bhatla Naxos and Leonard Doyle.
ONE OF THE world's most dangerous bombers has revealed that terrorist
groups on three continents have developed poison bombs to attack
civilians-in an extraordinary confession to the Observer from a secret
hideout in Greece...
...Seydo Hazar, 31, says he and his group were protected by the shadowy
Greek Marxist Revolutionary Organisation 17 November and funded by
elements close to the Greek security services while preparing terrorist
outrages in London and on European tourists...
...Western intelligence agencies are taking the allegations
seriously...
...Hazar has gone public because he is disgusted by the targeting of
civilians by a splinter group of the Marxist Kurdistan Workers Party
(PKK)...
...His claims provide the most complete picture yet of the close
collaboration between international terrorist organisations, as well as
disturbing evidence that one NATO power may have been harbouring
militants from a group waging a war against the government of another
NATO member.
...11 Stinger missiles, manufactured under licence in Greece, were sold
by his group to the Tamil Tigers and subsequently used to shoot down
military transport planes over Sri Lanka...
...He says that the splinter unit of the PKK in Greece has the means to
destroy entire population centres, as well as contaminating beaches and
fresh produce in pursuit of their deadly aims...
...when he lived in a PKK safe house in the village of Drosia (Greece),
he left behind a large cache of explosives, including TNT and Amonal,
as well as the precursors for chemical and biological agents. These
include the nerve agent sarin and laboratory facilities for producing
the E-coli and botulism bacterias...
... The allegation that Athens has been turning a blind eye to PKK
guerrillas using its territory for training and crossing to Kurdish
frontline areas has surfaced before, only to he flatly denied in Athens
as Turkish propaganda.

On Friday, the Observer gave the Greek government the specific
locations of the two sites identified by the bomber as the weapons
dumps. As turned out, PKK arms had already been discovered at one of
the locations and three people taken away for questioning. There were
no arrests, however...

...The US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright is also understood to
have raised the question of Greece's support for Kurdish militants on
her most recent visit to Athens. In confirmation hearings before
Congress, Washington's incoming ambassador to Greece, Nicholas Burns,
put the war against terrorism as a top priority.
"They said so many innocent Kurds had died, it made no difference if
innocent Turkish and foreign civilians died as well"
... According to Hazar, a retired Greek naval officer pays all the
Kurds' expenses in Greece and even acts as an informal censor of their
newspaper, Voice of Kurdistan, 'so as not to spoil the good relations
between Greeks and Kurds'.
....and regional ally. Last year the US formally warned Greece, a
fellow Nato member, that if these activities continued it might be
declared a 'state sponsor of international terrorism'.
...To avoid harsh US economic sanctions, Greece was reported to have
given assurances that PKK activities would be curtailed and its bases
and training camps in Greece closed....
....He does not deny suggestions that he was picked up and trained by
the secret police of the former East Germany before the fall of the
Berlin Wall in 1989. Hazar will admit only that he has lived in
Poland...
...Hazar was persuaded to leave Germany and go to Athens by an inner
elite within the PKK, known as the "home office" (Ülke Bürosu in
Turkish).
...Soon after his arrival in Athens last February he was taken to a
farm near Triada, north of the city. This was a training camp run by a
Greek called Dimitri and his partner Martha. Hazar believes Dimitri to
be the leader of 17 November and that the couple also has good
connections with the Greek secret service.
...Greek authorities were training and equipping Kurdish guerrillas for
missions in Turkiye.
...A small flat was founded for him near the Hotel Pefkakia in the
village of Drosia, about 12 miles north of Athens....
...unprimed bombs are given to three separate couriers to see which one
was caught, or if any in the PKK group in Greece had betrayed them.
...I didn't mind at all about hitting the Turkish army because that was
a legitimate military target.'
...was planned for Antalya, close to where former Turkish Prime
Minister Tansu Ciller's family owns a holiday resort. Another bomb was
planned for the beaches of Marmaris, popular with British tourists.
...half a litre of sarin, a deadly nerve agent...
...for the Ankara mausoleum of Kemal Atatürk,...
...28 October

STATEMENT BY JAMES B. FOLEY, US STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN IN RESPONSE
TO A QUESTION AT THE REGULAR PRESS BRIEFING ON
1 October 1997
QUESTION: Yesterday, we asked the question about the British Observer
newspaper news items about Greece and PKK cooperation. Do you have
anything about this subject today?
ANSWER: Yes. As the April 1997 edition of our publication, "Patterns of
Global Terrorism" noted, the Greek government continues to tolerate the
official presence in Athens of offices of two Turkish terrorist groups;
the PKK's formerly known as Dev-Sol. The latter group is responsible
for the murder of two U.S. government contractors in Turkiye. The Greek
government is clearly aware of our concerns. We're also aware of a
recent allegation, I think you or one of your colleagues noted
yesterday, by a self-described former PKK member or operative of
involvement by Greek government personnel in operational PKK terrorist
activity. I have no information report. We're assessing it as we take
all such reports seriously.
TIME
30 March 1998
EUROPE A HELLENIC HAVEN

Its not every day one sees recruits inducted into a terrorist
organisation. But at the Kurdish Cultural Centre in downtown Athens it
happens three or four times a month. About that often, a self-described
"political branch" of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (P.K.K.) sets up a
few dozen plastic chairs in a room on the centre's dingy first floor,
hangs the red and yellow P.K.K flag on the wall and carts in a Yamaha
electric organ to pound out Ey Ragip, a P.K.K. anthem. Grizzled P.K.K.
loyalists watch as recruits proclaim their allegiance to the armed
movement that has earned a place on the US State Department's list of
terrorist organisations. "Five to 10 Kurds leave here every week to
return (to Kurdistan) and fight," says Rozerin Laser, Balkans general
director of the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (E.R.N.K.), the
P.K.K political group that seeks a Kurdish homeland in parts of
Turkiye, Syria, Iran and Iraq.
The P.K.K. recruitment of Kurds in Greece is an overlooked link in the
vicious cycle of refugees and revolution across Europe's southeastern
frontier. In January, an influx of thousands of Kurds into Italy and
Greece reminded the rest of the EU how permeable its borders really
are. But not all Kurdish asylum seekers end up in Western Europe. Some
join the P.K.K. and return to would-be Kurdistan to fight, fuelling
more Turkish repression and a new flood of refugees and a new flood of
refugees and potential PKK. recruits. With the Greek government turning
a blind eye, P.K.K. representatives claim the recruiters are free to
start the process over again. The latest refugee crisis says one senior
Western diplomat in Athens, who specialises in terrorist issues,
"unveiled Turkiye's appalling human rights record and revealed the
porous frontiers of Greece and Italy." But, he says, "It also took the
wrappings off Greece's tolerance of rebel Kurds."

The E.R.N.K's induction ceremonies are just the tail end of the process
for turning refugees into revolutionaries. The real indoctrination and
recruitment goes on at places like Lavrion, 45 km southeast of Athens,
one of about five main refugee camps for the 100 or so Kurdish asylum
seekers arriving each month. Although hardly lavish, the camp boasts an
18-inch colour TV with a satellite dish to receive daily broadcasts
from MED TV, the Kurdish news station. Kurdish camp leaders use cell
phones for calls to their "brothers in battle," as they describe their
cohorts on the outside. The crumbling walls are hung with pictures of
P.K.K. strongman Abdullah Ocalan and martyrs to the Kurdish cause.

"This is the greatest help that Greece is providing us," says Ferzeyn
Iskender, a self-proclaimed P.K.K. loyalist at Lavrion. "It is here
away from their homeland that the Kurds nurture their ethnic identity,
learn who they are, what they stand for, how they've been abused by the
Turkish authorities." He points to a group of children playing in the
compound's concrete courtyard. . "Listen," he says, "They're singing Ey
Ragip." P.K.K. tutors arrive twice a week, according to camp leaders,
to teach the history of Kurdistan, its language, customs and
traditions, subjects that would be illegal in Turkiye. But P.K.K.
activists at the camp quickly turn such topics into propaganda. The
E.R.N.K.'s Laser admits that her success in recruitment "is the result
of a process of ideological training."

Turkiye says Greece is aiding and abetting the P.K.K, citing the
confessions of P.K.K. members as proof. "We are just stating what
P.K.K. terrorists captured in Turkiye are saying," says Sermet
Atacanli, a spokesman for Turkiye's Foreign Ministry. "They have been
trained in Greece, both ideologically and militarily." "Lies, lies,
lies!" responds Greece's fiery Foreign Minister, Theodore Pangalos, to
accusations of Greek involvement. Western diplomats monitoring the
P.K.K. say there's no hard evidence substantiating such accusations,
but that "there is a grey area in the field of financial support."

Much sympathy and support comes from the Greek population itself, which
sees parallels between the Kurdish nationalist movement and their own
1830 liberation from the Ottoman Empire. "The same thing is happening
now with the Kurds," says English teacher Kaiti Piperopulou as she
delivers school supplies to Lavrion. "We must help them." The P.K.K.
builds on that backing, circulating fundraising leaflets festooned with
symbols of Greek, Kurdish and Greek Cypriot unity and bearing slogans
like, "The solution to the disputes in the Aegean and Cyprus goes
through Kurdistan." The leaflets always include the bank account
numbers for the E.R.N.K. "We are not hiding what we are doing," says
Lavrion's Iskender.

In the U.S., such open P.K.K. activities would be a breach of the
Anti-Terrorism Act of 1996 and would bring prison sentences of up to 10
years for those perpetrating them. But in Greece, the P.K.K.'s
terrorist fire spreads virtually unchecked. Across the border, Turkiye
fans the flames with its draconian treatment of the Kurdish minority,
and year by year more Kurds are drawn into the conflagration.
- Reported by Anthee Carassava/Athens

PRESS STATEMENT OF KENYAN GOVERNMENT ON THE ENTRY INTO THE COUNTRY BY
ABDULLAH OCALAN
The Government received information that Mr. Abdullah Ocalan, leader of
the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) in Turkiye, arrived in the country on
2nd February, 1999 at 1 1.33 p.m., aboard a private jet. The request
for diplomatic clearance for the said aircraft was sought by the
Embassy of Greece. The aircraft landed without clearance, since the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs had wanted to establish the status of the
persons in the aircraft prior to its arrival.
The Government also established that the names of the persons used in
the Greek Embassy's Note Verbale seeking clearance were fictitious. The
Greek Ambassador was at pains to explain why the names appearing in the
Note Verbale were different from the persons at the Embassy.

After intervention with the Greek Ambassador, it was confirmed that Mr.
Ocalan was in the Ambassador's residence. The Government immediately
requested for his expatriation from the Country to which the Greek
Ambassador agreed after consultations with his Minister in Athens. The
Embassy undertook the responsibility to pay for their Expatriation
expenses. Consequently, Mr. Ocalan departed the country yesterday, the
15th of February 1999, at about 7:30 p.m. local time, for a destination
known to the Greek authorities.

The Government has established that the Mr. Ocalan arrived in the
Country from Milan, Italy. According to the Greek Ambassador Nationals
from the following Countries accompanied Mr. Ocalan: Sweden, Germany,
the United Kingdom, Belgium and Greece. The entry of Mr. Ocalan into
the country appears to have been well known to the Greek Government. We
are puzzled as to why Kenya was chosen as a destination for Ocalan. It
is possible that the Greek authorities may have taken advantage of the
strong friendly relations existing between our two countries, which
raises serious questions about their sincerity and trustworthiness.

The Greek Government must be aware that Kenya was recently a target by
terrorists who bombed the United States Embassy on August 7th, 1998,
causing heavy loss of life and extensive damage to property in Nairobi.
The presence of Mr. Ocalan in the country, therefore, raises serious
security concerns. We would not have expected a friendly country like
Greece to subject Kenya to such an awkward situation giving rise to
suspicion and possible attack.

The Government is, therefore, taking up the matter with the Government
of Greece with a view to ascertaining the full circumstances and
reasons leading to the illegal entry of Mr. Ocalan to Kenya. The Greek
Ambassador H.E. Mr. George Costorlas was at hand to meet the group at
the J.K.I.A. He briefly boarded the aircraft and left with passengers
without following any of the formalities. No immigration arrival cards
were filled as the passengers were simply walked through. Initially
when the Government got wind of Mr. Ocalan presence in the Ambassador's
residence the Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned the Ambassador to
explain, but he vehemently denied. However, when he was confronted
yesterday concrete evidence, he owned up, setting into motion the
process of his departure as outlined above.

In view of the above, it is no longer possible to trust the Ambassador
as serious doubts about his credibility have been created. Accordingly,
the Government had demanded his recall with immediate effect.

The Government of Kenya wishes to emphasise that the Government had no
role whatsoever to play in Mr. Ocalan presence in Kenya.
16th February, 1999 NAIROBI

ATHENS NEWS
17 FEBRUARY 1999
GOVERNMENT PLACES THE BLAME ON KURDISH LEADER FOR HIS OWN CAPTURE

Pangalos gives official version of events, condemns embassy sieges with
harsh words Greece's Foreign Minister Theodoros Pangalos lashed out at
yesterday's occupations of Greek embassies and consulates throughout
Europe by Kurdish activists as he finally confirmed that Greece had
provided "temporary" refuge for Abdullah Ocalan, the rebel leader of
the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).
Speaking at a hastily convened emergency news conference in Athens
yesterday morning, an irate Pangalos threatened to take "merciless"
action at home and abroad against Kurdish activists unless hostages
held in Greek embassies around Europe were released by noon, implying
that there could even be mass deportations of Kurds in Greece.

"We are giving them an ultimatum," Pangalos told the special news
conference. "Our behaviour will be merciless if they do not leave by 12
noon," he warned. In the wake of persistent official government denials
concerning the whereabouts of Ocalan, Pangalos admitted for the first
time that Greece had given Ocalan "temporary residence, for
humanitarian reasons" at the residence of the Greek ambassador in
Kenya.

Pangalos, admitting that Greece had sheltered Ocalan in a Greek
diplomatic building for the past 12 days, said that Ocalan himself, in
spite of Greek advice to the contrary, decided to attempt to leave
Kenya and go to Holland. The foreign minister said that contact with
Ocalan was lost during his transfer by car from the Greek ambassador's
residence to the airport. Ocalan's car was being followed by a number
of Greek embassy cars, including that of the Greek ambassador, which
"lost visual contact" with Ocalan's car.

Pangalos said that Greece had informed the Kenyan authorities and
awaited their update on exactly what happened, adding that contact had
also been made with the EU presidency, the German foreign minister and
the American government, asking them to intervene in order to find out
what exactly took place. He added that he would also be contacting the
British and Italian foreign ministers.

At the same time Pangalos said that he had sent a strict telegram to
the PKK leadership, asking it to order its members to withdraw from
occupied Greek embassies and consulates by midday. Pangalos
characterised as an "act of extreme brutality" the taking of hostages,
including women and children, at the Greek embassies in The Hague and
Vienna.

Accepting that Greece has always respected the struggle of the Kurdish
people and support for human rights, Pangalos reiterated that Greece "
never considered, or would consider, as expedient or useful the
presence of Ocalan on Greek territory for reasons concerning both the
interests of the Kurdish people and security and stability in the
region". He repeated that no application for granting political asylum
to Ocalan had been made to Greece, "and if such a request had been
submitted, under the 1991 Dublin Treaty on political asylum, such a
request would have been referred to Italy, which was the first European
country that Ocalan went to after his departure from Syria".

Replying to reporters' questions, Pangalos openly admitted for the
first time that Ocalan's plane had touched down at an airport in
western Greece in order to refuel after his failed attempts to land in
Holland before proceeding to Kenya.

Pangalos also revealed that Ocalan's presence on Greek territory in
Kenya was the exclusive knowledge of himself and the leadership at the
Greek foreign ministry. Finally, Pangalos reiterated that Greece should
not have been and should not be part of the Kurdish problem, which he
described as an internal Turkish problem that should not become part of
a Greek-Turkish dispute.

Two hours after Pangalos' impromptu press conference, the national
defence ministry's crisis management team held an emergency meeting to
" assess the situation following the attacks against the Greek
embassies abroad by protesting Kurds". According to media reports, the
crisis meeting was attended by the army, navy and airforce chiefs of
staff, national defence general staff senior officers and high-ranking
officials from the foreign ministry and Greek intelligence service
(EYP).

Later in the day, government spokesman Dimitris Reppas, who had
persistently denied government involvement in the prickly Ocalan saga,
requested clarifications from the Kenyan government concerning the
circumstances surrounding the capture of Ocalan. Reppas said that the
Greek government places exclusive responsibility for the latest
developments, including Ocalan's falling into the hands of the Turkish
authorities, with Ocalan himself, who negotiated with the Kenyan
authorities in person. Reppas also suggested the means of Ocalan's
transfer to Nairobi be such that it was open secret.

Reppas said Ocalan refused to leave Kenya for one of a number of
unspecified African countries that were willing to grant him asylum, as
had been suggested by the Greek side, instead choosing to seek asylum
in Holland, at which time the Greek authorities ceased to have any
participation in where the Kurdish leader would go.

A stern faced Reppas, who faced a barrage of reporters' questions
during his daily scheduled briefing, said that Ocalan had been in
direct contact with Kenyan government officials - in whom the Kurdish
leader had "shown trust" - with the aim of travelling to the
Netherlands. The Greek government, he added, has no information about
"the way things turned out" and bore no responsibility from the moment
of Ocalan's departure "from where has was, with the responsibility of
the Greek side" to an unknown destination. The handling of the issue by
the foreign ministry and jointly competent ministries was entirely
successful, Reppas said.

ATHENS NEWS
17 FEBRUARY 1999
OCALAN'S GREEK FRIEND, LAWYER TELLS THEIR STORY.
A different, more intriguing version to that of the government on the
Abdullah Ocalan saga also emerged yesterday. The backstage of PKK
leader's trip to Kenya, whence he ended up in the hands of the Turkish
security forces, was revealed by retired senior naval officer Andonis
Naxakis, a PKK sympathiser who played host to Ocalan when he visited
Greece at the end of last month.
Naxakis told SKAI television channel that, on Friday 29 January, he
chartered a private jet with the help of an unnamed Greek businessman
and following consultations with Kurdish representatives, transported
Ocalan from Leningrad to Athens. According to Naxakis, the Kurdish
leader was in dire danger from the Russian Mafia and had to leave
Russia urgently. The Russian secret services had apparently alerted
Greece, but Naxakis party escaped through the VIP exit of Hellinikon
Airport. The retired officer initially transported Ocalan to the house
of Voula Damianakou in Nea Makri, east of Athens, where he spent the
night, and took him to his own house on Saturday 30 January.

At this stage, Naxakis tried to bring Ocalan in touch with the Greek
foreign ministry so that he could apply for political asylum. Foreign
Minister Theodoros Pangalos allegedly agreed to visit the Kurdish
leader on that particular Saturday, but sent the head of the Greek
Information Agency (EYP) instead. EYP subsequently assumed the
responsibility of safeguarding Ocalan, and Naxakis told reporters that
he felt indirectly responsible for what happened next, since he had
arranged for the meeting.

Naxakis claims that on Monday 1 February the Greek government
guaranteed that Ocalan would be safely transported to a place of Greek
sovereignty, but the Kurdish leader discovered that they were referring
to the embassy in Nairobi just before he boarded the plane that was to
take him there on Tuesday. Naxakis' role ends at this point, but the
tale is continued by Failos Kranidiotis, one of Ocalan's lawyers, who
gave a full account of events as from Wednesday 10 February. On that
day, Kranidiotis was summoned to a secret location in Brussels for
consultations with PKK members, who told him that their leader was in
danger of being discovered and sent him to Nairobi.

Kranidiotis spent the weekend with Ocalan and was present as the
Kurdish leader conferred with Greek representatives on what to do next.
Ocalan's presence had become known in the Kenyan capital, and Athens
wanted him out of the embassy. According to the lawyer, Ocalan was
offered the options of being taken to a house in the Kenyan
countryside, or to be granted a temporary refuge by a local Greek
Orthodox Church. The Kurdish leader ruled out both plans, allegedly
stating that "Greece has brought me here under guarantee, and it should
get me out of here under guarantee".

In conversations with the head of the Greek foreign ministry's
diplomatic office, Ocalan asked for Greek Funds to buy a new passport,
a joint Greek-Kenyan guarantee of his safety, and a Greek plane-with a
government official on board - to fly him out of Nairobi. He also
reportedly made a fresh request for political asylum, which the Greek
foreign ministry apparently turned down as "disgraceful". The Kurdish
leader was also informed that four Greek security personnel were being
sent to the embassy to make sure that he left. At this point, one of
the two female fighters guarding the PKK leader pulled out a gun and
threatened to commit suicide. Kranidiotis was then sent to Athens with
another request for political asylum. Before he left, Ocalan allegedly
told him that he was caught between Turkiye and Greece, "the bandit
state on the one hand and the comedy state on the other". He was
intercepted on his way to Nairobi airport and was informed by the
Kenyan authorities that the President, Arab Moy, was fully aware of
Ocalan's presence.

All contact with the Kurdish leader was broken off on Monday 15
January, with the well-known results. PKK sources insist that their
leader was forced to leave the Nairobi embassy, despite the Greek
government's protests to the contrary, and that he was led away by
Kenyan police. Similar fears are voiced by his lawyers. Giuliano
Pisapia, Ocalan's legal representative in Italy, who visited his client
during the weekend, stated yesterday that there had been an operation
to capture the Kurdish leader as early as Sunday 14 February, but that
it had been called off due to the lawyer's presence. Eberhardt Schulz,
Ocalan's lawyer in Germany, claimed that his client had been tricked
into surrendering to the Kenyan authorities and had been dragged out of
the embassy by local forces. Meanwhile, the Italian news agency ANSA
reported on Monday that Ocalan had been handed over to the Kenyans by
the Greek embassy's staff

APPENDIX 1:
CAMPS AND CELLS OF THE TERRORIST ORGANIZATION PKK IN GREECE
LAVRION REFUGE CAMP: At the Lavrion Refugee Camp, apart from the PKK,
members of other terrorist organisations find shelter and are given
training. It has been found out that a bank account has been opened at
the Kaningos branch of the Greek National Bank for the PKK members
being sheltered at the Lavrion Camp. Samil Asmaad and Sinan Aslan, two
members of the PKK, are known to be responsible to meet such needs of
the terrorists.
LAMIA HALKIDA CAMP: This is a farmhouse 200 kilometres away from
Athens, used by the terrorist organisation PKK. The farmhouse is
surrounded by barbed wire fences. About 300-400 militants from
different terrorist groups are being sheltered at the camp. The
militants attend both political and military training in two different
phases. The military training includes all forms of bomb making and
planting explosives. The owners of the camp (farmhouse) are two Greek
citizens known as Dimitri and Marta. Two PKK terrorists trained at this
camp and apprehended by Turkish Security Forces have confessed that the
owners help the members of the PKK in the camp by all possible means;
they let the terrorists use their vehicles and they supply logistic
needs of the terrorists.

THE PKK CELL IN AHARNON/ATHENS: According to the testimonies of the PKK
terrorists apprehended in Turkiye, the PKK uses as a cell a flat on the
5th floor of the building, next to the station, at the very corner of
the road opposite the Saint Pandalemonas Church.

THE PKK CELL IN DAFNI/ATHENS: The location of this cell is described by
the terrorists as follows: "Take the Dafni bus. Get off at the Saint
Ionia stop. Walk up from the second street. Before you reach the end of
the street, the cell is on the third road across the street." In this
cell the PKK militants coming from Turkiye are trained on explosives
and attend a 15-day political training.

THE PKK CELL IN THESSALONICA: This PKK cell is depicted by the
militants as follows: "In a hilly district of the Thessalonica Bazaar,
there is a supermarket and a gas station next to the Goody's
Hamburgers. If you turn the corner from the cafe there, the second
floor of the building number 16 is the PKK cell."

APPENDIX 2
EXCERPTS FROM THE TESTIMONIES OF THE TERRORISTS TRAINED IN GREECE AND
SENT TO TURKIYE TO CONDUCT TERRORIST ACTS ON BEHALF OF THE TERRORIST
ORGANIZATION PKK
Some excerpts from the testimonies of terrorists apprehended by Turkish
Security Forces, which indicate the support provided by Greece to the
PKK militants are as follows:
1- TESTIMONY OF SEYITHAN SAMACAN (CODE-NAME AHMET-MAHMUT-SEYDO) FROM
SIVEREK/SANLIURFA APPREHENDED IN BATMAN ON 27 DECEMBER 1993:
"I went to the Samos Island from Kusadasi/Turkiye with a group of
friends by a boat. We surrendered to the Greek police who later took us
to the Lavrion camp in Athens. A PKK member code-named Deniz took me to
the PKK bureau in Athens. The PKK members were presented with Greek
passports and sent to the Bekaa Valley/Lebanon. We were always in
contact with the Kurdistan Solidarity Committee in Greece.
(Phone:003013634905)"

2- TESTIMONY OF GIYASETTIN ALTUN FROM VARTO/MUS APPREHENDED IN ISTANBUL
ON 11 MAY 1994:
"I went to Athens from Germany by plane with a group of friends. We
were taken to a PKK cell in Athens and then to somewhere 200 kilometres
away from Athens for training. A terrorist code-named Faik was
responsible for training in the camp where there were about 20
militants. In the camp we were trained on explosives to conduct
terrorist attacks against military, economic and tourism targets."

3- TESTIMONY OF IMAM GÜR (CODE-NAME AKIF) FROM BEYDOGMUS/ELAZIG,
ARRESTED ON 5 JUNE 1994:
"I went from Germany to Athens where I was provided with a false
passport. I was first taken to a cell and then to a camp with the
others I had met in the cell. In the camp we were trained on explosives
(bombs) and instructed to go to Turkiye, in order to attack public
buildings and tourism facilities. We were provided with the phone
numbers of the militants in Germany to get in touch if necessary."

4- TESTIMONY OF VEYSEL BOZALI (CODE-NAME SAHIN-SEHMUZ) FROM BINGÖL,
APPREHENDED IN ISTANBUL ON 12 MAY 1994:
"I went to Athens from Germany where I was provided with a false
passport. In Athens, a PKK member code-named Cemil met me and took me
to the Kurdish Committee. Then, a Greek lady took me and 10 other
fellows to a hilly area 200 kilometres away from Athens. We stayed at a
house in a forest. For 2 months we were trained on explosives. A PKK
member code-named Faik was responsible for the training. We were
instructed to attack military, economic and tourism targets in Turkiye"


5- TESTIMONY OF AHMET AKKURT (CODE-NAME CIHAN- ALI-HASAN) FROM
IDIL/SIRNAK ARRESTED IN ISTANBUL ON 22 JUNE 1994:
"I went to Athens from Germany with a false passport and was taken to
the camp. The camp was about 3 km away from the Aegean cost and was
surrounded by hills. We were given training on explosives for a month.
A PKK militant code-named Faik who was responsible for training told us
that we would be sent to Turkiye to hit economic and tourism targets."

6- TESTIMONY OF ATILLA TEKEL FROM ELAZIG WHO SURRENDERED TO THE TURKISH
SECURITY FORCES DURING THE OPERATION HELD IN NORTHERN IRAQ ON 21 MARCH
1995:
"I went to Athens from Germany with a group of friends. A 35-year old
man approached me at the passport checkpoint at the airport and asked
us whether we were Turkish or Kurdish. We said that we were Kurds. Then
we were taken to an office without any passport control and were given
some food. The Greek agent dealing with us phoned a PKK militant
code-named Rojhat. Rojhat came and took us to Heyva Sor ('Kurdish Red
Crescent', one of Pak's front establishments) which is 15 kilometres
from Athens. Rojhat was a Syrian about 30 years old and spoke Greek.
Later on he took us to a PKK camp, 154 kilometres away from Athens, on
the way to Macedonia. The camp was about 6,000 square meters large and
called Ibrahim Incedursun camp. In February 1995 there were about 40
terrorists in the camp. For 3 months we received political and military
training to conduct terrorist attacks in Turkish cities. The camp was
being run totally under the umbrella of Greece. Greek parliamentarians
and the public were providing material support to the PKK. The
publications of the PKK are sold mostly from Greece to Europe. Lavrion
Camp is 1.5 hours away from Athens. It is close to the seaside. Its
full capacity is 400 militants. Apart from the PKK, militants of
extreme leftist terrorist organisations such as TKP/ML, DEV SOL, TDKP,
TKIP, TKEP, TKP/KIVILCIM were trained in the camp."

7- TESTIMONY OF CANSUR KIRT (CODE-NAME KAWA REMZI) FROM
LICE/DIYARBAKIR, APPREHENDED IN IZMIR:
"I crossed the River Meriç to Greece with my friend code-named Bozan.
We were intending to go to Germany. A villager from whom we asked for
some food took us to a Greek police station. We told the Greek police
that we were Kurds and PKK members. We were sent to Athens and
transferred to the Lavrion Camp. In the camp there were about 30 other
militants. The police collected our ID's and questioned all of us one
by one. The representatives of each terrorist organisation in the camp
asked us to which organisation we belonged. For three months we took
political training in the camp. One day we were taken to a forest, 5-6
hours away from the camp where the PKK militant code-named Faik trained
us on the use of explosives and firearms. Faik instructed us to go back
to Athens and then to Turkiye to conduct terrorist acts."

8- TESTIMONY OF MEHMET KAVAK (CODE-NAME ÇIYA) FROM
CEYLANPINAR/SANLIURFA APPREHENDED IN IZMIR ON 5 MAY 1995:
"I went from Cologne to Athens on 31 December 1994. The police officer
at the passport check told me that I could not enter Greece since I did
not have a visa. Upon the instructions I had received from the PKK, I
told that I was a Kurd and was to be met by the members of the Kurdish
Committee. Then the police changed his attitude and helped me. I spent
the night at the airport. Then, a PKK member came and took me."

9- TESTIMONY OF METIN SAGLAM FROM ERZURUM APPREHENDED IN ISTANBUL ON 8
AUGUST 1995:
"I swam across the River Meriç to Greece in 1994. I was arrested by
the Greek police. I told the police that I was a PKK member and I
sought political asylum. I was questioned by the Greek intelligence and
police before being taken to the Lavrion camp. In the camp there were
members of the PKK and extreme leftist Turkish terrorist groups. I
stayed in the camp for 15 days. Then I went to the PKK cell in Athens.
After that I was taken to a farmhouse which belonged to a Greek couple.
The camp representatives, code-named Cemal and Faik, gave political and
military training to us. Faik taught us to make and plant different
kinds of bombs."

10- TESTIMONY OF MEHMET ÇEKIÇ (CODE-NAME HÜSEYIN YILMAZ) FROM
ADIYAMAN:
"I went from Frankfurt to Athens with a false Dutch passport. I gave
the numbers of the Heyva Sor (Kurdish Red Crescent) to the customs
officer in Athens and entered Greece. A PKK courier came to pick me up.
This courier talked to a Greek parliamentarian with white hair called
Dimitris. We went to the Heyva Sor building in Athens. Soon I was sent
to a camp. While I was in the camp I heard that another PKK affiliated
association called 'Kurdistan Centre' was opened."

11- TESTIMONY OF FADIK ISIK (CODE-NAME SAHIN-RAMAN) FROM KAHRAMANMARAS,
APPREHENDED IN ANTALYA:
"I was sent to Bucharest/Romania in April 1994. Under the auspices of
the ERNK Bucharest representative Ömer Agaoglu, I was sent to
Thessaloniki in January 1995 for training on explosives. Then I was
sent to Athens. From Athens a PKK member took me to a camp about 20 km.
away where the PKK members were receiving military and political
training. In February 1995, a man who was said to be a Greek deputy
came to the camp and visited the PKK representatives in the camp. Greek
media members, MED TV reporters, former MPs Remzi Kartal and Zübeyir
Aydar of HEP and Necdet Buldan, (a fugitive wanted by Turkiye) visited
the camp."

12- TESTIMONY OF EMINE DIDEM MARKOÇ (CODE-NAME NELA FILIZ AYTEN) FROM
ARDAHAN, APPREHENDED IN ADANA ON 24 JUNE 1996:
"We came from Frankfurt to Athens. Greek police arrested me with four
of my friends. A PKK member code-named Rojhat came and told the police
that we are PKK militants. Then the police released us although they
had realised that we had false Dutch passports. One evening we were
taken to the PKK camp in Halkida/ Lamia. We had political training for
45 days. After the political training we had military training. Then I
was sent to the PKK cell in Aharnon/Athens. Meanwhile I had an
operation at the Evangelismos State Hospital, due to a throat illness.
The bill for the operation was issued on behalf of Menal-Dilxwvaz who
was from the ERNK Balkans Representation. Thanks to the ERNK document,
the hospital bill was paid by the Greek Ministry of Health. Soon I had
a second operation which was also paid by the Greek Ministry of
Health."

13- INFORMATION DERIVED FROM THE TESTIMONY OF SEREF KILIÇ (CODE-NAME
YALÇIN) WHO WAS CAUGHT IN THE GARDEN OF THE TURKISH CONSULATE GENERAL
IN URIMIYAH/IRAN AND BROUGHT BACK TO ANKARA FOR INTERROGATION ON 23
DECEMBER 1997
Seref Kiliç has established contact with PKK members in the Çanakkale
prison while he was a student in Çanakkale 18 March University and
joined the organisation. He went to Romania via Bulgaria on 10 March
1997 with Hanim Demir and Orhan Yüce who were friends from the
university and following their stay in Romania for some time, they came
back to Bulgaria. They passed to Athens from Bulgaria by motorway on
27th-28th March with Hamza (code-name) (ERNK Bulgarian Responsible),
Orhan Yüce and Hanim Demir. Hamza took them (S. Kiliç H.Demir and
O.Yüce) to a PKK house and introduced them to the militants; Rojhat,
Hatip, and Pino (code-name). Mahir (code-name), who was the General
Coordinator of the Balkan Province at that time, Sait Ali (code-name)
and Ilgaz (code-name), who were Revolutionist People Party (DHP)
militants, came to the house in question and Mahir, after taking them
to a separate room, told them that they had to act in accordance with
the organisation's demands, collected their passports and ID cards, and
then requested Sait Ali to take them to the building where they would
receive training. At 24:00 on the same day's night (27-28 March 1997)
S. Ali took them with a white "Tempra" automobile to a white,
three-storey building which was on a side street in the centre of
Athens. A total of 45 people, made up of 3 teams consisting of 15
persons each, inhabited the building used by the organisation for
political training and one or two members stood guard around the clock
for security. 40 of the total of 45 persons receiving training were
university students. In the beginning of June 1997, in order to receive
combined military and political training, they were taken by a minibus
to a campsite in the countryside 3 hours from Athens which was still
under construction. 45 persons in the form of 3 teams, settled in the
encampment in the mountainous area, and every morning they continued
with the political courses that they had been receiving earlier, and in
the afternoons they were being given military courses on ambush,
penetration and raids by militants named Cemal and Çektar
(code-names). These courses lasted from the beginning of June until the
beginning of September 1997. As the militants dwelled in the
encampment, two Greek citizens Memo (code-name) and Dilan (code-name)
(woman) carried food to a place 1 km. away from the camp, each time
with different vehicles. Seref Kiliç decided to escape from the camp
with Rabia Coskun, but they were noticed and captured while trying to
communicate through passwords since it was forbidden to talk with each
other. After this incident, Rabia Coskun was sent to Athens, and Seref
Kiliç was "put into practice" (which meant, "cell imprisonment" in the
PKK jargon). He was "kept in practice" for 40 days, and within this
period some of his friends with whom he had arrived in the camp were
periodically transferred to the "front". In the beginning of September
1997, as this camp place has been exposed, encampment was transferred
to another mountainous place 50 km away, and political and military
training continued. In this period, Çektar and Cemal were replaced by
two other militants code-named Deniz and Ilgaz (woman). From time to
time, they were also instructed by a militant named Necmi. The number
of militants increased up to 85 with new arrivals. Most of these
militants were university students. Students of Eskisehir Anatolian
University also existed within the group. In the beginning of November
1997 Deniz and Ilgaz announced that the training was completed and that
they would be transferred to northern Iraq. They took all of the 60-65
militants then in the camp to Athens. In Athens, after driving for
about 1 km. from the club named "Riba's" that is located in the city
centre, they arrived at a building complex. There war a meter high
stone wall in front of the complex, which consisted of one three-storey
and six single-story buildings. The other sides were surrounded by
barbed wire. The three-storey building was used by a retired Greek
general who used to come to this place from time to time, stay for a
few hours and communicate with the high ranking militants of the terror
organisation in Greece. According to the statements of Seref Kiliç,
the house he was taken to on March 27-28, 1997 for training was located
at Praksiteuls Road. No: 28 in Athens. The daily schedule applied
during political training, the harsh attitude towards people that were
being trained (seizure of their ID Cards, not being allowed to speak
with each other or to leave the camp) confirm the statements given by
more recently arrested members of the terror organisation. It
transpires that the campsite where they were taken for military
training, 3 hours to Athens by minibus, is the mobile camp at a
mountainous area to the north of the Phasna town at Evia island. The
campsite where they were taken in early November 1997 is the "Haki
Karaer" camp which is also described in the statement of Dr. Serdar
(code-name) Hasan Belli who surrendered to the Turkish Consulate in
Piraeus on 8 December 1997 and who was interrogated at the Edirne
Police Headquarters after he was taken to Turkiye with a temporary
travel document.

14. TESTIMONY OF ULAS AKBAL (CODE-NAME DURAN-ARTES-MAHIR) FROM
DIYARBAKIR: " - In the Association of "Komal Mezopotamya" functioning
in Lavrion, the periodical "Fonito Kurdistan" in Greek was sold in
order to collect money to the organisation. A group of 50 persons were
given political training in a house in Athens. In the Lavrion Refugee
Camp, training on explosives was given by Serdar (code-name). Militants
were trained for bomb attacks in the big cities in Turkiye.

15. TESTIMONY OF 1970 BORN FETHI DEMIR (CODE-NAME MAHIR) WHO
SURRENDERED IN BINGÖL/GENÇ ON MARCH 6, 1998: "The names of the PKK
militants, who would come to Greece from Turkiye or from other European
countries, were given to the Greek Ministry of Public Order. The
Ministry transmitted their names to the relevant authorities at the
border or in the airports and they facilitated their passage to Greece.
PKK militants met me at the Athens Airport and took me to a house
belonging to the PKK. There I was told that there were other houses
like this on Tiriyö Septen Biriyö Street 154, Vasilik Sophias Street
154, Omonia Square, Kipseli district). We went to a training camp
approximately two hours away by car from Athens. At the Ministry of
Public Order there is a separate section dealing only with matters
concerning the PKK. Militants who crossed the Turkish border to Greece
were taken by the Greek police to the Lavrion Camp and from there they
were picked up by a PKK militant and accommodated in different PKK
houses in Greece. Political training was given at the Greek Island
Evia. Local police and intelligence service supported us. Logistics of
this camp were supplied by two Greek nationals called Dimitri and
Martha. We rented a building in the centre of Athens with the help of
Thedor Susanoglu who had worked for the Greek Consulate General in
Izmir in the 1980s. Militants that came to Greece were provided with
"Refugee Passport". Using these passports they could travel to all
Schengen countries and if they had to travel to another country,
necessary visas were provided by the help of the Greek Consulate
General in the country concerned. For those militants operating in
Greece, Greek language courses were given in Athens Pandion University.
The Greek Intelligence wanted us to select 7 persons. They would give
them special intelligence training. PKK terrorist organisation was in
close contact with three Ministers in the Greek government. Foreign
Minister Pangalos, Education Minister Arsenis and Defence Minister
Choxarcopoulos gave us continuous and wide support. Funds were provided
to the PKK from the budget of the Greek Parliament. Among other high
ranking officials who directly supported the PKK were the Former
Minister of Interior Baduvas (we always contacted him when we had
problems with the Greek police or border units), retired General
Naksasis (he was responsible for our connection with the Greek
Intelligence Service), Thedor Susanoglu mentioned before, who could
speak excellent Turkish and was responsible for all kinds o
correspondence between PKK leadership and Greek officials and
translation of letters etc. The PKK terrorist organisation operated in
Greece during 1996-1997 through the following organisations, ERNK
Office (Andresis Vasilisis Sophias Street 54, Phone N:724 7022), Heyva
Sor Kurdistan (Kaningos Street, Athens), Kurdish Culture Association,
Greek Representation of Derri Agency, Kurdish Solidarity Committee in
Thessalonica.
Ali Asker
2005-03-01 09:36:22 UTC
Permalink
Every single individual born in Turkey raised as a defender of this
barbaric state. Starting from school to national service people have
been brain-washed countries indivisibility. Anyone dare to oppose this
ideology detained tortured and kept in the prison. Turkish nationalism
has no limits children that ethnically not Turks forced to take ought
in the primary schools and screaming "I am a Turk, I am a proud Turk,
and I love turkey more than anything else and so on..". Islamic
ideology in the schools thought to young adults without discrimination.
Armenian, Greek and Alewi children forced to pray five times a day in
the primary schools. Any kids or the family oppose this act of cruelty
being subjected to discrimination and ill treatment.
Post by gogu
http://www.turkishdailynews.com.tr/article.php?enewsid=6690
Rising nationalism
Monday, February 28, 2005
Opinion by DOGU ERGIL
DOGU ERGIL
Anyone who has been educated in Turkey has been raised and trained to be a
nationalist rather than a citizen equal in legal status, free in choice and
empowered by the will to participate in public policy. In fact, citizenship
is acquired or paid for by being an obedient subject to the national state.
Hence the perception of the nation is larger than life and, until recently,
has been labeled a "sacred entity" in the preamble of the Turkish
Constitution. The wording has been changed but the ideological
baggage still
Post by gogu
lingers, just as it does in nationalistic behavior.
Nationalism was a latecomer to Ottoman Turkish history. The empire could
only keep itself intact if it adopted a multi-national policy that allowed
self-rule to dependent peoples, hence nationalism had to be avoided. It was
only in the 19th century that subject peoples fought for independence in
Eastern Europe and in the lands populated by Arabs. Each nationalist
struggle against the Ottoman state found a supporter or sponsor in the
Western world; the only exception was the Armenians and Tsarist Russia, who
backed their quest for independence in eastern Anatolia. Both of these
factors worked against them: Eastern Anatolia was far from Western Europe,
and the Russian troops that occupied eastern Turkey left after only 40 years
following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Armenian nationalism was left prone
to the retaliation of Turkish nationalism fostered by the Young Turk
government of the time.
Learning what it was to fight for the nation with the intention of
establishing a national state rather than fighting for the sultan, who owned
the land, the soldiers and intellectuals of the late Ottoman period
conceived nationalism in an imperial context. This ensuing
nationalism that
Post by gogu
led to the creation of the Turkish national state was conceptualized in a
global context where the Ottoman state was among the players, albeit a weak
one. So the first nationalists who began to spread their ideology preceding
the first world war sought the place of Turks and Turkey in the world, not
only in their own lands; we can call this "greater or maximalist Turkish
nationalism." If a multi-national (Ottoman) empire collapsed, there were
enough Turks in and outside of Turkey (Asia) to create yet another Turkish
imperial entity, not a cosmopolitan one as it was.
However, Ataturk killed the imperial ambitions of the Young Turks, who led
to the demise of the Ottoman Empire and fled the country. He
channeled the
Post by gogu
nation's energy into creation of a national state in the homeland. Turkish
nationalism turned inward to create a solidaristic modern nation rather than
harboring imperial appetites from the moment of the establishment of the
Republic of Turkey in 1923. For Ataturk, the founding father of the
republic, nationalism was more about a deep patriotism aimed at elevating
the nation to the level of contemporary civilization. Consistent with the
ideological breadth and depth of the original nationalist, he wanted to
place Turkey on the world map as an effective and revered
nation-state.
Post by gogu
However, his followers failed to successfully fashion the tools to make
Turkey a global actor. Following the zestful first decades of the republic,
nationalism became an introverted defense ideology colored with a populism
that was upheld by the state's distribution of favors and patrimonial
protection of the uncompetitive pre-modern masses. Rather than
nurturing an
Post by gogu
ideology to strengthen the nation, nationalism became a source of
legitimization of state patrimony over a nation of dependents who saw the
state as their protector and provider.
Increasingly an ideology of dependence for the more humble social cohorts
of the state, nationalism became a minimalist ideology of exalting the state
over the society/nation. As it is, nationalism is not an ideology of the
bourgeoisie who look for grand ventures in the world but rather a defensive
ideology of the lower classes that are apprehensive of pluralism,
modernization and globalization. This may be called "lumpen
nationalism" due
Post by gogu
to the character of its adherents. Hence Turkish nationalism today is laden
with a suspicion of the differences of the outside world and anxiety over
any change that is not internally generated. Its primary concern is the
security of the state rather than the individual citizen and its basic
rights. As long as the masses live in poverty and ignorance, they will seek
the protection of the state, hence they will seek to protect their stubborn
nationalism, and the exalting of the state will continue. If the state fails
as a distributive system, if it fails in its provision and protection of the
masses, this lumpen nationalism will turn to communalism, the worst form of
which is fanatic religious extremism as seen in Sharia regimes.
The outcome is quite bleak. In defense of Turkishness, meaning the
official definition of citizenship in Turkey, other ethnic or
cultural
Post by gogu
identities have become the "other." The insistence of incorporating
Kurdishness into Turkishness, rather than uniting them in the general
framework of citizenship, has created two conflicting nationalisms. Rather
than creating a citizens' synergy, Turkish nationalism and Kurdish
nationalism have been sharpened against each other like two blades. Turkish
nationalism has become even more narrowly focused in recent years as an
antithesis of Kurdish nationalism; this has come about in defense of the
unity of the country and the "nation" that is defined as Turkish. Such
nationalism is indubitably xenophobic and authoritarian. How, then, can it
be the political vehicle to make Turkey become a global or even a regional
actor?
Kurdish rebellion made Turkish nationalism even more ethnocentric.
Additionally, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and intentions of regime change
in Iran and Syria contaminated Turkish nationalism with
anti-Americanism as
Post by gogu
they evoke fears of possible scenarios for Turkey.
There are enough conspiracy theorists among the statist guard and
nationalists to amplify fear and suspicion of the "imperialists." When one
of my graduate (doctoral) students mentioned "EU imperialism" as if it were
a matter of fact during a presentation she gave in class, I was awestruck.
She was even more confused when I asked her for concrete proof of this
so-called imperialism. It was too obvious for her to find supporting
evidence. What have we done wrong? Where did we go wrong in rearing such a
paranoiac generation? Is foreign policy really a conspiracy of
imperialist
Post by gogu
scheming? Or have we denied ourselves the knowledge and instruments of
understanding to see ourselves as members of a greater contemporary world, a
world we have come to fear so much? I am honestly confused.
--
E' mai possibile, oh porco di un cane, che le avventure
in codesto reame debban risolversi tutte con grandi
puttane! F.d.A
http://pg.photos.yahoo.com/ph/golanule/my_photos
Post by gogu
http://gogu.enosi.org/index.html
http://www.romclub.4t.com/rabin.html
Davut Gul
2005-03-01 10:37:42 UTC
Permalink
Post by Ali Asker
Armenian, Greek and Alewi children forced to pray five times a day in
the primary schools.
It may be Iraq not Turkey.

You are big fat ass liar.

There's no Islamic religious education in the primary schools in Turkey to
force to pray 5 times a day even if you're a Muslim.
Ali Asker
2005-03-01 12:49:12 UTC
Permalink
primary schools in Turkey is eight years! So if you start the scool
when you are six then you finish the primary school when you are 14
years old! During the first five years there is a subject called "Din
ve Ahlak" (Religion and tradation) where you learn how to pray and also
learn all the Arabic prayers! in the secondary school (which is three
years) where you have to know how to pray every single students that in
this class forced to stand up and pray infront of the other students
simply if you don't pray you fail this subject! There are small mosques
in the schools in turkey where you go and pray and if you are a
frequent visitor of this mosque then you will get better marks in your
other subjects. Also there are religious Muslim schools in Turkey
called (Imam hatip) where you have to pray five times a day and these
schools are supponsered by the turkish government! imam hatip schools
are widely spread all over Turkey some say there are more of these
religious schools then put all the other schools together.

It does not matter what you say davut Turkey is going to path of
islamic and religious state! Look at the parliement islamists are in
the power and these Islamists will show their true face only in time!
wait and see..
Davut Gul
2005-03-01 15:23:56 UTC
Permalink
You are big fat ass liar.

You said:
"Armenian, Greek and Alewi children forced to pray five times a day in the
primary schools."

But we all know that it may be Iraq not Turkey.

There's no Islamic religious education in the primary schools in Turkey to
force to pray 5 times a day even if you're a Muslim.
gogu
2005-03-01 23:34:35 UTC
Permalink
Post by Davut Gul
You are big fat ass liar.
"Armenian, Greek and Alewi children forced to pray five times a day in the
primary schools."
But we all know that it may be Iraq not Turkey.
There's no Islamic religious education in the primary schools in Turkey to
force to pray 5 times a day even if you're a Muslim.
Amazing !
And the religious schools the hatips are what ?!
AFAIK pupils in there are praying not 5 but 1005 times a day...

--------------
During the 1960s, the government attempted to monitor a growing Islamic
movement by opening a network of State sponsored Muslim schools, the Imam
Hatip Lisesi system, which would teach Qur'an, hadith, and fiqh to a new
generation of Turkish Muslims. Mehmet, a graduate of the Imam Hatip school,
recalls that, 'the government opened Imam Hatip schools to try and control
Islam from within.' The co-optation policy reflected new thinking on the
part of the generals, who recognized that direct repression could result in
increased student activism and calls for martyrdom. Some also believe that
Muslim schools were supported as a bulwark against leftist nationalism.
Since then, the Imam Hatip schools have expanded to provide a wide ranging
curriculum in a seven-year, post-primary programme of study that includes
Arabic language.
In the late 1980s, Turkish Muslim scholar and author Fethullah Gulen
returned from external exile and established a charitable foundation. The
Fethullah Gulen Hoja Foundation soon opened a series of private Islamic
schools, universities, and student hostels which have attracted an
increasing number of Muslim students away from the public school system. In
recent years, graduates of Imam Hatip and Fethullah Gulen Hoja schools have
become the top performing candidates for Turkish university degrees. Imam
Hatip and Fethullah Gulen Hoja schools provide separate facilities for male
and female students, and encourage female students to wear hijab. Both have
generally provided a supportive Islamic environment in which to study, and
offer relatively standardized curricula similar to those found in most
Turkish public schools.

Fethullah Gulen Hoja hostels also serve as meeting places for members of
various jama'ats and tarikats. In the hostels, students partake of informal
and self-directed Islamic learning, especially studying the 20th century
Turkish mujaddid, Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, whose works are either cautiously
avoided in private schools, or outright prohibited in the case of official
State schools.


The growing success of Muslim students in the Turkish educational system is
causing increasingly loud rumblings of distemper in the bowels of Kemalist
secularism. Earlier this summer, the rectors of all major Turkish
universities signed a pact vowing to ban any women in hijab from classes
beginning with the Fall 1998 semester. Rectors who are not wholeheartedly in
support of the proposed measures are summarily terminated from their
positions. The exclusion pact would have broadened an earlier policy, in
place since the late 1980s, in which hijab was banned in Istanbul University
and at Dijla University in Diyarbakir, Eastern Turkey.

-------------------
--
E' mai possibile, oh porco di un cane, che le avventure
in codesto reame debban risolversi tutte con grandi
puttane! F.d.A

Coins, travels and more: http://pg.photos.yahoo.com/ph/golanule/my_photos
http://gogu.enosi.org/index.html
http://www.romclub.4t.com/rabin.html
Ali Asker
2005-03-01 12:49:27 UTC
Permalink
primary schools in Turkey is eight years! So if you start the scool
when you are six then you finish the primary school when you are 14
years old! During the first five years there is a subject called "Din
ve Ahlak" (Religion and tradation) where you learn how to pray and also
learn all the Arabic prayers! in the secondary school (which is three
years) where you have to know how to pray every single students that in
this class forced to stand up and pray infront of the other students
simply if you don't pray you fail this subject! There are small mosques
in the schools in turkey where you go and pray and if you are a
frequent visitor of this mosque then you will get better marks in your
other subjects. Also there are religious Muslim schools in Turkey
called (Imam hatip) where you have to pray five times a day and these
schools are supponsered by the turkish government! imam hatip schools
are widely spread all over Turkey some say there are more of these
religious schools then put all the other schools together.

It does not matter what you say davut Turkey is going to path of
islamic and religious state! Look at the parliement islamists are in
the power and these Islamists will show their true face only in time!
wait and see..
Philip Davidson
2005-03-01 12:56:46 UTC
Permalink
Post by gogu
http://www.turkishdailynews.com.tr/article.php?enewsid=6690
Rising nationalism
Monday, February 28, 2005
Opinion by DOGU ERGIL
DOGU ERGIL
Anyone who has been educated in Turkey has been raised and trained to be a
nationalist rather than a citizen equal in legal status, free in choice and
empowered by the will to participate in public policy. In fact, citizenship
is acquired or paid for by being an obedient subject to the national state.
Hence the perception of the nation is larger than life and, until recently,
has been labeled a "sacred entity" in the preamble of the Turkish
Constitution. The wording has been changed but the ideological
baggage still
Post by gogu
lingers, just as it does in nationalistic behavior.
Nationalism was a latecomer to Ottoman Turkish history. The empire could
only keep itself intact if it adopted a multi-national policy that allowed
self-rule to dependent peoples, hence nationalism had to be avoided. It was
only in the 19th century that subject peoples fought for independence in
Eastern Europe and in the lands populated by Arabs. Each nationalist
struggle against the Ottoman state found a supporter or sponsor in the
Western world; the only exception was the Armenians and Tsarist Russia, who
backed their quest for independence in eastern Anatolia. Both of these
factors worked against them: Eastern Anatolia was far from Western Europe,
and the Russian troops that occupied eastern Turkey left after only 40 years
following the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Armenian nationalism was left prone
to the retaliation of Turkish nationalism fostered by the Young Turk
government of the time.
Learning what it was to fight for the nation with the intention of
establishing a national state rather than fighting for the sultan, who owned
the land, the soldiers and intellectuals of the late Ottoman period
conceived nationalism in an imperial context. This ensuing
nationalism that
Post by gogu
led to the creation of the Turkish national state was conceptualized in a
global context where the Ottoman state was among the players, albeit a weak
one. So the first nationalists who began to spread their ideology preceding
the first world war sought the place of Turks and Turkey in the world, not
only in their own lands; we can call this "greater or maximalist Turkish
nationalism." If a multi-national (Ottoman) empire collapsed, there were
enough Turks in and outside of Turkey (Asia) to create yet another Turkish
imperial entity, not a cosmopolitan one as it was.
However, Ataturk killed the imperial ambitions of the Young Turks, who led
to the demise of the Ottoman Empire and fled the country. He
channeled the
Post by gogu
nation's energy into creation of a national state in the homeland. Turkish
nationalism turned inward to create a solidaristic modern nation rather than
harboring imperial appetites from the moment of the establishment of the
Republic of Turkey in 1923. For Ataturk, the founding father of the
republic, nationalism was more about a deep patriotism aimed at elevating
the nation to the level of contemporary civilization. Consistent with the
ideological breadth and depth of the original nationalist, he wanted to
place Turkey on the world map as an effective and revered
nation-state.
Post by gogu
However, his followers failed to successfully fashion the tools to make
Turkey a global actor. Following the zestful first decades of the republic,
nationalism became an introverted defense ideology colored with a populism
that was upheld by the state's distribution of favors and patrimonial
protection of the uncompetitive pre-modern masses. Rather than
nurturing an
Post by gogu
ideology to strengthen the nation, nationalism became a source of
legitimization of state patrimony over a nation of dependents who saw the
state as their protector and provider.
Increasingly an ideology of dependence for the more humble social cohorts
of the state, nationalism became a minimalist ideology of exalting the state
over the society/nation. As it is, nationalism is not an ideology of the
bourgeoisie who look for grand ventures in the world but rather a defensive
ideology of the lower classes that are apprehensive of pluralism,
modernization and globalization. This may be called "lumpen
nationalism" due
Post by gogu
to the character of its adherents. Hence Turkish nationalism today is laden
with a suspicion of the differences of the outside world and anxiety over
any change that is not internally generated. Its primary concern is the
security of the state rather than the individual citizen and its basic
rights. As long as the masses live in poverty and ignorance, they will seek
the protection of the state, hence they will seek to protect their stubborn
nationalism, and the exalting of the state will continue. If the state fails
as a distributive system, if it fails in its provision and protection of the
masses, this lumpen nationalism will turn to communalism, the worst form of
which is fanatic religious extremism as seen in Sharia regimes.
The outcome is quite bleak. In defense of Turkishness, meaning the
official definition of citizenship in Turkey, other ethnic or
cultural
Post by gogu
identities have become the "other." The insistence of incorporating
Kurdishness into Turkishness, rather than uniting them in the general
framework of citizenship, has created two conflicting nationalisms. Rather
than creating a citizens' synergy, Turkish nationalism and Kurdish
nationalism have been sharpened against each other like two blades. Turkish
nationalism has become even more narrowly focused in recent years as an
antithesis of Kurdish nationalism; this has come about in defense of the
unity of the country and the "nation" that is defined as Turkish. Such
nationalism is indubitably xenophobic and authoritarian. How, then, can it
be the political vehicle to make Turkey become a global or even a regional
actor?
Kurdish rebellion made Turkish nationalism even more ethnocentric.
Additionally, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and intentions of regime change
in Iran and Syria contaminated Turkish nationalism with
anti-Americanism as
Post by gogu
they evoke fears of possible scenarios for Turkey.
There are enough conspiracy theorists among the statist guard and
nationalists to amplify fear and suspicion of the "imperialists." When one
of my graduate (doctoral) students mentioned "EU imperialism" as if it were
a matter of fact during a presentation she gave in class, I was awestruck.
She was even more confused when I asked her for concrete proof of this
so-called imperialism. It was too obvious for her to find supporting
evidence. What have we done wrong? Where did we go wrong in rearing such a
paranoiac generation? Is foreign policy really a conspiracy of
imperialist
Post by gogu
scheming? Or have we denied ourselves the knowledge and instruments of
understanding to see ourselves as members of a greater contemporary world, a
world we have come to fear so much? I am honestly confused.
--
E' mai possibile, oh porco di un cane, che le avventure
in codesto reame debban risolversi tutte con grandi
puttane! F.d.A
http://pg.photos.yahoo.com/ph/golanule/my_photos
Post by gogu
http://gogu.enosi.org/index.html
http://www.romclub.4t.com/rabin.html
ZzZzZzZzZ..


"Grey Wolves are known throughout Europe as one of the largest and most

violent terrorist organizations in the world, MHP gained international
notoriety when a Grey Wolves terrorist, Mehmet Ali Agca, attempted to
assassinate Pope John Paul II in St. Peter's Square in May of 1981.


In 1996, Turkish deputy Sedat Bucak revealed that Grey Wolves chief
Abdullah Catli spearheaded a campaign of arson fires that ravaged
Greek islands during summer tourist seasons. Catli's death during a
notorious 1996 car crash exposed close ties between the Grey Wolves,
the Turkish underworld, and the government.


1997
The party's positions regarding the repression of Kurds and other
minorities, its belligerence towards neighboring democracies Greece
and Armenia, and its expansionist ambitions for:
"one Turkish world, from the Adriatic Sea until the Chinese Wall"
continue to dominate MHP's core beliefs.


The 20th Century's first genocide, the modern Turkish state
systematically exterminated 1.5 million Armenians. Genocides,
pogroms and the ethnic cleansing of Turkey's Armenian, Greek and
Assyrian minorities reduced Turkey's Christian population from
4,500,000 at the beginning of this century to less than 150,000 today."



http://www.ahmp.org/MedByp1.html

Fuck the slimy black teeth fucking Turks....
_____________________________
ID signature
Philip Davidson,
10 Ronald Avenue
West Ham
E15 3AH
East London
Phone: ( 020 ) 511 9341
Mobile phone 07906821566
Frappe Boy
2005-03-01 19:25:12 UTC
Permalink
Post by Philip Davidson
In 1996, Turkish deputy Sedat Bucak revealed that Grey Wolves chief
Abdullah Catli spearheaded a campaign of arson fires that ravaged
Greek islands during summer tourist seasons. Catli's death during a
notorious 1996 car crash exposed close ties between the Grey Wolves,
the Turkish underworld, and the government.
Speak the unthinkable! Demand the dismantlement of Turkey right now!
It is a positive step towards putting the planet back together again.
OmarOsman
2005-03-04 16:54:52 UTC
Permalink
stupid kafe boy huhuhuhuhuhuhuhuh

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